Parità dei sessi

The European Institute for Gender Equality’s (EIGE) Gender Equality Index for 2023 was 70.2 points out of 100 for the European Union as a whole, a rise of 1.6 points from 2022. This year-on-year increase was the highest since the first edition of the Index in 2013. There was a 26.1-point gap between the best-performing state (Sweden) and the worst (Romania).

The index rose in the domains of power (+1.9 points) and time (+3.6 points), thanks to a reduction in the gender gaps for unpaid care. But the index declined in money (-0.4 points), reflecting growing concerns over economic inequality, which were exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic. There was no EU-wide score for gender-based violence due to insufficient and non-comparable data across Member States.[1]

Gender-based violence remains a serious issue throughout Europe, according to the NSGs, and violence against women – including femicides – increased in some countries. In 2023, Italy reported over 120 femicides, most committed by current or former partners. In Serbia, there have been calls to classify femicide as a distinct criminal offence and to strengthen protections for women, but no substantial progress has been made.

Economic inequality between men and women also persists. NSGs report persistent employment gaps and low economic independence for women, along with the frequent misuse of part-time contracts in female-dominated sectors. The LGBTQI+ community also suffers discrimination and violence, and the “anti-gender” movement is growing in countries with very different socio-political contexts, such as Germany and North Macedonia.

Education, training, and lifelong learning

Progress in education has been mixed in Europe. The expansion of EU-funded programmes such as Erasmus+ and the European Solidarity Corps (ESC) to countries including Albania has made a positive impact, offering more opportunities for youth mobility and cross-cultural learning.

However, NSGs reported regional disparities in access to and the quality of education, while many teachers do not have the opportunity for continuous professional development. Budget cuts have significantly strained education systems throughout Europe. Substantial funding reductions have impacted critical areas in Germany’s education sector and informal education actors in France. Resource limitations also negatively affect the inclusion in the education system of vulnerable children such as Roma, who continue to enrol in school at lower rates than the EU and regional averages. Children with disabilities and those with a migrant, refugee, or asylum-seeking (MRA) background are also affected by challenges related to inclusion.

Inclusion of MRAs and minorities

At the end of 2023, 22.5 million people in Europe were either forcibly displaced, stateless, or both, slightly up from 21.8 million in 2022. Nearly 6 million refugees from Ukraine were registered in other European countries, some under the European Union (EU)’s Temporary Protection Directive – which was extended until March 2025 – and others under similar national schemes.[2] 

Recent positive measures in Europe regarding the inclusion of migrants, refugees, asylum seekers, and minorities have centred primarily on Ukrainian refugees. For instance, in Bulgaria, Ukrainian refugees now enjoy access to social services on a par with Bulgarian citizens. However, in a worrying Europe-wide trend, these protections have not always been extended to non-European migrants, who have often instead faced increasingly difficult and tightened conditions. In late 2023, the EU reached a political agreement on the Pact on Migration and Asylum, which institutionalises appalling practices that some Member States have been carrying out illegally for years, notably the de facto detention of asylum-seekers and second-rated asylum procedures (which offer fewer protections) at borders.[3] The pact will further jeopardise the fundamental rights and inclusion of refugees and other migrants in the EU.

Obstacles for MRAs to access basic rights include increased digitalisation, which is particularly problematic as it leads to social exclusion in countries such as France and long administrative procedures, as is the case in Croatia and Portugal. One concerning trend is that some countries are calling out the normalisation of violence within reception systems for migrants and refugees. This requires shifting responsibility from national authorities to local governments to better ensure respect for migrants’ human rights. In addition, human rights issues have emerged in offshore detention centres, and conditions in public reception systems have deteriorated, as have policies affecting unaccompanied minors. Italy’s agreement to set up offshore detention centres in Albania for adult male asylum seekers has been criticised for violating human rights, as it externalises EU borders. Within EU borders, the Roma and Balkan-Egyptian communities suffer systemic discrimination, and action plans to include them in wider society often lack genuine participation from the communities.

There are gender disparities across Europe in labour market integration, which particularly affect migrant women. While recent reforms have enhanced migrants’ access to labour markets in some countries, many migrants still encounter rights violations in their host countries. For example, the NSG in Germany reports that immigrant men are more likely than women to find jobs even after years of residency. In Belgium, many migrant women face challenges related to overqualification, which limits their job opportunities. In education, children from migrant backgrounds have relatively low levels of attainment, underscoring broader inequalities that persist across Europe.

Disoccupazione giovanile

There has been a mix of progress and persistent challenges in youth unemployment across Europe, which relatively steady at around 14.5%.[4]

Some countries have introduced policies aimed at reducing youth unemployment, while others are grappling with structural issues such as skills mismatches and the impact of temporary contracts. For example, Serbia has reduced youth unemployment over the past decade, but young people still face difficulties securing long-term employment, leading many to look for opportunities abroad. In Italy, youth unemployment has decreased slightly but remains among the highest in Europe due to several factors, including an education system that does not focus on technical and practical skills, the widespread use of unpaid internships, and a reliance on temporary contracts. In Bulgaria, a shortage of workers in key sectors contrasts with rising youth unemployment, reflecting a skills mismatch.

[1] European Institute for Gender Equality (2023), Gender Equality Index: https://eige.europa.eu/gender-equality-index/2023

[2] UNCHR (2023), Global Report 2023 - Europe: https://reporting.unhcr.org/global-report-2023/regional-overviews/europe#:~:text=Regional%20overview-,By%20the%20end%20of%202023%2C%20the%20number%20of%20forcibly%20displaced,million%20people%20were%20internally%20displaced.

[3] European Commission (2024), Pact on Migration and Asylum: https://home-affairs.ec.europa.eu/policies/migration-and-asylum/pact-migration-and-asylum_en

[4] Eurostat (2024), Unemployment statistics: https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statistics-explained/index.php?title=Unemployment_statistics

Adequate wages

In the second quarter of 2023, real wages in the EU fell by 0.8% compared to the same period in 2022. Italy saw one of the largest declines, exceeding 4%, while Belgium experienced a notable rebound with real wage growth of over 5%.[1]

Across Europe, wages are a central issue, particularly in the context of rising inflation. Some countries have raised their minimum wages and adapted them to inflation. But in others, wages are stagnant, wage policies are not implemented adequately, and socio-economic divides are growing. Notably, the deadline for the transposition of the Adequate Minimum Wage Directive is 15 November 2024, but doubts remain over whether it will be implemented effectively in many countries. A particular concern is the lack of binding constraints on a common methodology to ensure adequate implementation.

One recurring challenge is the gap between growth in nominal wages and changes in real incomes. Although nominal wages have risen in many countries, such as Italy, Croatia, and Portugal, these gains often fail to keep pace with inflation. This has led to a decline in workers’ purchasing power and exacerbated socio-economic inequalities. For instance, in Italy, the working-poor share of the workforce continues to rise despite nominal wage increases, especially among lower-income workers.

Efforts to index wages to inflation have yielded mixed outcomes. Spain has successfully preserved workers' purchasing power by linking wage increases to inflation, thus protecting real incomes from rising prices. In contrast, there are gaps in Belgium's wage indexation system, which leave many workers without protection from inflation. This highlights the need not just for wage indexation policies, but for ensuring their effectiveness and fairness across all sectors.

[1] European Commission (2023), Labour Market and Wage Developments in Europe 2023: https://op.europa.eu/webpub/empl/lmwd-annual-review-report-2023/chapter2/real-wages-and-purchasing-power.html#:~:text=Real%20wages%20declined%20by%200.8,and%20Malta%20(Graph%202.4).

Alloggiamento

The rising cost of living had an impact on access to adequate housing in Europe in 2023. Housing prices and rents continued to increase overall, and they outpaced wage growth, raising concerns over affordability throughout the EU.[1] In the first quarter of 2024, average house prices in the EU rose by 0.4% and rents by 0.9% from the fourth quarter of 2023. Compared to the same period in 2023, house prices increased by 1.3%, while rents grew 3.0%.[2]

Social housing is insufficient and inadequate to a significant extent, according to reports by almost all the NSGs. In some countries, such as Belgium, access is often hampered by strict and discriminatory eligibility criteria, which disproportionately affect vulnerable groups, including youth and migrants. Germany’s social housing system has a pressing shortage of 1.9 million affordable flats within the social housing system in major cities, complicating efforts to meet housing needs amid regulatory and economic challenges. In Spain, young people face significant difficulties in moving out of their parents' homes primarily due to high rents, highlighting their vulnerability.

Housing shortages and the expansion of short-term rentals have driven up rents and property prices across Europe, and the rises are outpacing income growth and making housing increasingly unaffordable. The situation has been exacerbated in urban centres where gentrification policies promote extreme increases in rents. In countries such as Italy, Spain, and Portugal, tourist rentals are inflating local housing costs. In Portugal, in particular, rents and property prices are rising far faster than wages and pensions. These trends highlight the need for stronger housing policies to tackle limited supply and unaffordability.

Sradicamento della povertà

Poverty eradication remains a critical challenge across Europe, as many people continue to struggle with low incomes and social exclusion, a situation worsened by the ongoing consequences of the war in Ukraine. In 2023, 94.6 million people in the EU (21% of the population) were at risk of poverty or social exclusion. The highest rates were reported in Romania (32%), Bulgaria (30%), Spain (27%), and Greece (26%).[3]

Many NSGs reported that poverty persists, sometimes despite income growth, due to the rising cost of living and an unequal distribution of wealth. Many countries have lacked targeted government efforts and long-term strategies to address poverty and have instead relied on emergency measures. For instance, in France, the absence of a comprehensive anti-poverty strategy has exacerbated the issue. In Greece, essential services for people in poverty are often provided by NGOs rather than the public sector.

Rising food prices have particularly affected vulnerable groups, such as pensioners and families with children, forcing many to cut back on food or opt for lower-quality, less-nutritious options. In Croatia, around 28,735 pensioners are working part-time to supplement inadequate incomes, while unemployment benefits often leave recipients below the poverty line. In France, a recent pension reform that raised the retirement age from 62 to 64 is expected also to reduce pension benefits, further impacting those already struggling to make ends meet. The NSG in Spain highlighted the need to focus on reducing living costs to tackle poverty effectively. In Serbia, the Social Card Act has been criticised for its automated eligibility process, which led to a significant drop in the number of financial aid beneficiaries.

Despite these challenges, some positive initiatives have emerged. One is France's "Long-term Zero Unemployment Territories scheme”, which is seen as a promising way to reduce unemployment through the creation of jobs in the social and solidarity economy (SSE). However, a general lack of substantial investment in welfare services and public sector intervention remains a significant obstacle in addressing poverty across Europe.

Accesso all'assistenza sanitaria

Access to healthcare remains a significant concern throughout Europe. Many NSGs reported that national healthcare systems are under increasing pressure, leading to deteriorating working conditions. A shortage of staff, longer waiting times, and delays for major surgeries are common, and the problems are compounded by diminishing motivation among healthcare professionals. Private healthcare is expanding at the expense of public healthcare, driven by shifts in investment, as seen in Greece, and the migration of healthcare workers seeking better working conditions, as in North Macedonia. Administrative burdens also hinder access to care: NSGs frequently cited heavy paperwork, inadequate healthcare funding, and a lack of long-term care services. The NSG in Belgium highlighted the high cost of out-of-pocket healthcare expenses, while that in Bulgaria reported excessive co-payments. Inequalities between rural and urban healthcare access are stark in countries such as in Serbia, where rural areas are particularly underserved. In Italy, where 6.1% of households experience healthcare poverty, a recent proposal to grant regions more autonomy could exacerbate existing disparities between the wealthier north and the poorer south.

Vulnerable groups, particularly migrants, face even more difficulties accessing healthcare. The overall picture across Europe calls for improvements to ensure that all citizens, regardless of their status or location, have adequate access to healthcare. That implies increases in public financing, the geographical redistribution of healthcare services, and the expansion of service scope and accessibility.

[1] Eurostat (2023), Housing in Europe – 2023 edition: https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/web/interactive-publications/housing-2023

[2] Eurostat (2024), House prices and rents rose between Q4 2023 and Q1 2024: https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/web/products-eurostat-news/w/ddn-20240705-1

[3] Eurostat (2024), People at risk of poverty or social exclusion in 2023: https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/web/products-eurostat-news/w/ddn-20240612-1#:~:text=In%202023%2C%2094.6%20million%20people,household%20with%20very%20low%20work

Enabling space for civil society organisations

In 2023, civic space in Europe faced significant challenges, as the fallout from Russia's war on Ukraine intensified. Protests erupted across several EU countries, including Belgium, the Czech Republic, Greece, and Portugal, in reaction to surging energy prices and the rising cost of living. Climate groups expressed strong opposition to the energy policy shifts made by EU nations in response to the crisis. In turn, European governments increasingly repressed environmental activists. Non-violent protests were met by arrests, prosecutions, and intimidation, highlighting a troubling shrinking of the space for civic engagement and dissent.[1]

Reports of bans on protests, police repression, and restrictions on the right to strike have increased, alongside a decline in trust towards the media. In Croatia and Serbia, public authorities have launched smear campaigns and attacks on civil society organisations (CSOs) and activists. In Italy, there has been a rise in defamation lawsuits against journalists, and the new "eco-vandals" law has been used to crack down on climate activists.

Greece, however, is an exception. Government intimidation of CSOs and journalists has been reduced, partly because international events have diverted attention from internal dissent. Funding for associations is reported as inadequate across Europe, and it is particularly dire for CSOs active in Portugal’s migration sector. NSGs have reported burdensome administrative procedures for accessing funds, adding to these challenges. In France, the Republican Commitment Contract (CER) requires associations seeking state funding to align with government principles, which has led to an increase in the arbitrary dissolution of CSOs. Similarly, the use of government-organized non-governmental organisations (GONGOs) in Croatia continues to sideline independent CSOs and limit their influence on policymaking. In Belgium, both associations and companies are governed by the same legal framework, blurring the distinction between the two. This shift reduces the protection afforded to CSOs, as it fails to recognise their critical social and democratic functions, contributing to the ongoing trend of delegitimising civil society across Europe.

Involvement of civil society organizations in civil dialogue  

Progress in the involvement of CSOs in civil dialogue across Europe has been mixed. Some NSGs report positive steps towards greater political engagement and inclusion of CSOs in policy shaping. Participation in digital platforms has also expanded, facilitating greater access to civil dialogue. Political engagement in Germany increased, particularly leading up to the European elections, creating more opportunities for CSOs to influence policy. Spain has made significant strides in fostering civil dialogue with the establishment of the Commission for Civil Dialogue in 2013. The approval of the Third Sector Social Action Act and the Volunteering Act further solidified the role of CSOs in designing public policies for social inclusion.

However, challenges remain, and key political decisions are being made without proper consultation with relevant CSOs, according to reports. Organisations working with vulnerable social groups, in particular, often find themselves marginalised from civil dialogue, which hinders their ability to advocate for those most in need. The involvement of civil society in Western Balkan countries’ EU accession negotiations shows mixed progress. In Albania, civil society’s role needs to be strengthened to make participation more meaningful. North Macedonia is working to include CSOs in the preparation of its EU accession programme, though the selection process for CSO representatives lacks clarity. In Serbia, the National Convention on the European Union continues to play a key role in engaging civil society in the EU accession process. [2]

[1] Civicus (2023), Europe and Central Asia: https://monitor.civicus.org/globalfindings_2023/europeandcentralasia/

[2] European Mission Serbia (2024), National Convention on the European Union: https://www.emins.org/en/nacionalni-konvent-o-evropskoj-uniji-nkeu/

Access to clean energy

Energy poverty in Europe has been steadily increasing. The percentage of individuals unable to keep their homes adequately warm rose from 6.9% in 2021 to 10.6% in 2023.[1] This trend reflects the growing challenges many Europeans face in affording adequate heating, and it is exacerbated by rising energy costs and economic pressures.

Access to clean energy is a growing concern across Europe, and both progress and challenges have been reported. Some countries, such as Belgium, have made strides in developing clean energy sources. Germany now generates nearly half of its electricity from renewables. Serbia's 2023–2030 Climate Change Adaptation Programme is a positive step. However, despite these advances, energy poverty is rising, and it is deepening poverty and social exclusion, particularly in the wake of the energy crisis that has affected all countries.

Rising energy costs have placed immense pressure on households, and many struggle to pay their energy bills. In many countries, people continue to live in poorly insulated homes, which are inadequately heated in winter and insufficiently cooled in summer, and their use of essential appliances is restricted.

Spain is an exception. Energy poverty there has declined slightly among lower-income families thanks to robust public support measures that protect vulnerable groups from the crisis in energy prices. However, most countries are relying on short-term solutions, such as energy vouchers, which do not address the deeper structural issues. This has been the case in Italy. However, there is no unified definition of energy poverty, which makes it harder to tackle the issue comprehensively.

[1] European Commission (2024), Energy poverty: https://energy.ec.europa.eu/topics/markets-and-consumers/energy-consumers-and-prosumers/energy-poverty_en