Geschlechtergleichheit 

The NSG reports persistent gender equality in the labour market and education, as well as cases of gender-related violence. The Global Gender Gap Report by the World Economic Forum indicates that Italy would need 123 years to achieve gender equality at current rates of progress.[1] Italy is ranked 85^th out of 148 countries in the WEF global ranking, and sectors such as transport, logistics and finance are highlighted for especially pronounced gender gaps. This ranking is a slight improvement compared to 2024, when Italy was ranked 87^th out of 148. Measures are needed to address the gender gap, as lower wages and harder career paths for women result in a lower quality of life. People with insufficient income often have to make hard choices, like giving up access to healthcare and essential goods. Low income can also lead to social exclusion, as it limits leisure activities and social relationships – or makes them impossible. Significant disparities persist between the North and the South of Italy. Over 28% of women live in regions where human rights have minimal protection.[2] Italy scored better than the WEF global ranking  in the Global Gender Gap Report “Political Empowerment”category, ranking 64^th out of 148, and women hold 48.7% of parliamentary seats and 33.3% of ministerial positions.[3] Yet the “Sex is Power” report points to significant, persistent barriers for women to attain decision-making positions.[4] Women represent 41.6% of elected officials on regional councils and 35% on municipal boards, with notable differences between regions.[5]

Slight improvements have been made in education, with studies showing that more women and girls are attaining higher educational qualifications.[6] Women often possess international experience and qualifications exceeding those of men. This is particularly the case for the 25-34 age group, where 38.5% of women have a tertiary degree compared to 25% of men.[7] The proportion of women graduating in scientific subjects in Italy is above the European average, but a gender gap persists in STEM fields and digital skills.[8]

The most critical gender gap concerns employment. Women represent over 40% of the workforce, yet less than 30% are in senior or managerial positions. Italy has Europe’s highest gender gap in employment rates at 17.4 percentage points, nearly than double the EU average (9.1).[9] This is confirmed by the 2024 Gender Equality Index by the European Institute for Gender Equality (EIGE).[10] Italy scored 65.5 out of 100 in the employment dimension, ranking last in the EU and significantly below the average of 74.[11] Italy also has the fourth widest gender pay gap, which has narrowed only slightly in recent years.[12] The pay gap persists in both the public and private sectors and has long-term implications such as significantly lower average pensions for women.[13] Another reason women’s pensions are lower is that the vast majority of part-time workers are women. Women are still largely expected to perform caregiving responsibilities: 56% of women with children younger than 12 spend at least five hours per day on childcare compared with only 26% of men. Many women therefore accept part-time jobs that they can combine work with care responsibilities. Women with children are far more likely not to be professionally active –the case with 48.2% of women with children in Southern Italy. The limited availability of childcare services impacts the relation between employment and fertility and has contributed to the continued decline in the birth rate, the NSG highlights.[14] Overall, the link between employment and fertility is a cause of discrimination against women. It leads to involuntary part-time contracts, occupational segregation and a motherhood penalty. Moreover, a lack of care services combines with societal and cultural expectations to force women into caregiving roles.

The gender gap persists in health and life expectancy. Though women in Italy have longer life expectancy than men, they often live in poorer health and are more likely to develop chronic illnesses. Female-centric healthcare, like sex-specific drug testing and research into female-specific diseases, receives little attention. Women’s reproductive health is further jeopardised by attempts to weaken Law 194, which regulates access to abortion. This law also allows conscientious objection by medical professionals to carrying out abortions, which is still widely used in Italy. The Ministry of Health’s reported that 63.4% of gynaecologists, 40.5% of anaesthesiologists, and 32.8% of non-medical staff invoked conscientious objection in 2024.[15] [16]

Women’s needs and rights are also disregarded in the prison system. Women are a minority of the incarcerated population and find themselves in prisons mainly designed around male needs, characteristics and requirements.[17] Moreover, the Security Decree that entered into force in June 2025 allows for the incarceration of pregnant women and mothers of infants.[18] CSOs called for the removal of the relevant provision from the Bill and to maintain the mandatory deferral of sentences for these women until the child’s first birthday.[19] See the Civic space chapter for further analysis.

Violence against women continued to increase. Out of 115 deaths related to gender-based violence in 2024, 98 were femicides. A further 53 attempted femicides were registered.[20] The majority of these femicides were committed by current or former partners and cohabitants. A total of 6 587 sexual violence crimes were reported in 2024, an increase of 6% from 2023, and reports increased 8%. Cases of intra-familial abuse and abuse among cohabitants rose 11% from 2023.[21] Stalking and domestic abuse against women by family members and cohabitants also rose: There was an 83,5% increase in valid calls to the national anti-violence and anti-stalking hotline.[22]

The ILGA’s Rainbow Map ranks Italy 35th out of 49 countries in respect for LGBTQIA+ rights, the second successive drop in ranking.[23] One prominent issue is the lack of legal protection against discrimination and hate crimes, despite rising aggression against trans and non-binary people. A growing number of LGBTQIA+ students report bullying and discrimination at school.[24] Two deaths related to anti-trans violence were also registered, a suicide by a transgender man and a killing of a transgender person.[25] The Rainbow Report further indicates that LGBTQIA+-people do not feel safe or free to be themselves due to violence and discrimination. For example, 53% of homosexual couples report being afraid to hold hands in public, and 38% have experienced at least one incident of discrimination. This has led many members of the community to make plans to emigrate.

Inklusion von Migranten, Flüchtlingen, Asylsuchenden und Minderheiten

Sea arrivals of migrants and refugees fell 58% in 2024, though there were still over 66,000 arrivals, the NSG reports.[26] However, the number of asylum applications increased 17% to 158 056.[27] Italy’s migration policy continues to be influenced by the Italy-Albania protocol. In November, a civil court in Rome suspended the detention of seven Bangladeshi and Egyptian migrants who were being held in an Albanian return hub. As a consequence of this decision, the migrants in question have been returned to Italy. This case exemplifies the illegality of the Italy-Albania protocol, as upheld by the Italian courts themselves. The suspension follows from the court’s decision to pose four preliminary questions to the Italy’s Decree Law 158/2024, which classified Bangladesh and Egypt as “safe countries”. The questions seek to verify the compatibility of the national protocol with EU law, as the latter takes precedent over national law.[28] In addition, the Decree Law 145/2024 came into effect in 2024. This law includes anti-exploitation measures, modifies entry procedures for foreign workers and strengthens quotas for categories including refugees. It also abolishes the tacit consent mechanism, under which an application was considered accepted by default if public authorities did not respond to it within the legal timeframe. This mechanism often worked to the benefit of applicants from high-risk countries such as Bangladesh, Pakistan and Sri Lanka. The National Labor Inspectorate also reports that income checks on employers could not be carried out due to information not being uploaded to the SPI 2.0 information system.[29] The Security Bill, too, introduces stricter rules for migrants. It requires non-EU citizens to possess proof of legal residency to buy a SIM card.[30] This requirement has been criticized for its punitive nature and for potential violation of fundamental rights, as it restricts access to essential services.[31]

A positive development is the establishment of humanitarian corridors as part of the protocol signed at the end of 2023 by UNHCR Italy, several Ministries, ARCI (which leads the NSG) and others.[32] The protocol allows 1,500 refugees to be transferred to Italy over three years. In 2024, these corridors let 97 evacuees from Libya arrive in Italy.

Jugendarbeitslosigkeit

The youth unemployment rate remains high despite some improvements, the NSG reports. The general unemployment rate in 2024 fell by 3.4 percentage points to 6.5%, slightly above the European average of 5.9%. Youth (age 15-24) unemployment decreased markedly by 8.9 percentage points but remains very high at 20.3%.[33] The national NEET rate for the 15-29 age group is one of the highest in Europe at 15.2%. Factors such as gender cause notable differences, and the NEET rate for young women is 16.6%, compared to 13.8% for young men.[34] The largest and clearest differences are between the North of Italy, with a NEET rate of 9.8%, the Centre with 12.9% and the South with 23.3%. This geographical divide is reflected in the youth unemployment rate, which is 35% in the South (the Mezzogiorno), reaching over 40% in some Southern provinces.[35] The NSG pointed out several structural causes for the high unemployment rate, which need to be addressed to guarantee stable youth employment: fragmented school-to-work transitions, poor alignment between vocational education and regional labour needs, and the prevalence of short-term, low-quality jobs.[36]

The Italian government has adopted several measures to address youth unemployment. The “Decreto Coesione” supports economic and social development in less developed areas, focusing in particular on the South and inland areas.[37] Several national measures implement EU initiatives, such as those contained in the National Recovery and Resilience Plan and DL 48/2023, which implements the Youth Guarantee.[38] However, these measures have only led to limited outcomes. Only 23% of public procurement procedures associated with the NRRP measures included binding clauses on the employment of young people.[39] In addition, many firms exploited derogations and undermined the measures.[40] The NSG emphasized that – to tackle youth marginalization and precarity, especially in the South – structural changes are needed to address the skills mismatch and fully enforce the youth quota.

[1] World Economic Forum (2025), “Global Gender Gap Report 2025”: https://reports.weforum.org/docs/WEF_GGGR_2025.pdf

[2] Ibid.

[3] Ibid.

[4] Info.nodes (2025), “SESSO È POTERE 2025”: https://infonodes.org/sesso-%C3%A8-potere

[5] Ibid.

[6] World Economic Forum (2025), “Global Gender Gap Report 2025”: https://reports.weforum.org/docs/WEF_GGGR_2025.pdf

[7] Istat (2025), “Rapporto annuale 2025”:  https://www.istat.it/produzione-editoriale/rapporto-annuale-2025-la-situazione-del-paese-il-volume/

[8] Eurostat (2024), “Women totalled almost a third of STEM graduates in 2021″: https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/web/products-eurostat-news/w/ddn-20240308-2 ; Openpolis (2024), “The question of gender gaps in STEM learning”: https://www.openpolis.it/la-questione-dei-divari-di-genere-negli-apprendimenti-stem/

[9] Istat (2025), ” IL LAVORO DELLE DONNE TRA OSTACOLI E OPPORTUNITÀ”: https://www.savethechildren.it/cosa-facciamo/pubblicazioni/le-equilibriste-la-maternita-italia-nel-2025

[10] European Institute for Gender Equality (2025, “Gender Equality Index”: https://eige.europa.eu/gender-equality-index/2024/country/IT

[11] Ibid.

[12] World Economic Forum (2025), “Global Gender Gap Report 2025”: https://reports.weforum.org/docs/WEF_GGGR_2025.pdf

[13] Istat (2025), “IL LAVORO DELLE DONNE TRA OSTACOLI E OPPORTUNITÀ”: https://www.istat.it/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/istat-cnel.pdf ; Eurostat (2022), “Gender pay gaps in the European Union — a statistical analysis — Revision 1, 2021 edition”: https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/en/web/products-statistical-working-papers/-/ks-tc-22-002

[14] Save the Children (2025), “La maternità in itaLia 2025”: https://s3-www.savethechildren.it/public/allegati/le-equilibriste-la-maternita-italia-nel-2025.pdf; European Institute for Gender Equality (2023), “A Better Work–Life Balance: Bridging the gender care gap”: https://eige.europa.eu/publications-resources/publications/better-work-life-balance-bridging-gender-care-gap?language_content_entity=en

[15] Ministry of Health (2024), “RELAZIONE DEL MINISTRO DELLA SALUTE SULLA ATTUAZIONE DELLA LEGGE CONTENENTE NORME PER LA TUTELA SOCIALE DELLA MATERNITÀ E PER L’INTERRUZIONE VOLONTARIA DI GRAVIDANZA (LEGGE 194/78)”: https://www.quotidianosanita.it/allegati/allegato1733413460.pdf

[16]  Istituto Superiore di Sanità (2025), “Medicina di Genere NEWSLETTER – gennaio”:  https://www.epicentro.iss.it/medicina-di-genere/pdf/MdG%20Newsletter%20gennaio%202025.pdf

[17] Antigone (2025), “Dalla parte di Antigone: Primo rapporto sulle donne detenute in Italia”: https://www.rapportoantigone.it/primo-rapporto-sulle-donne-detenute-in-italia/

[18] La società della ragione (2025), “Nessun dietrofront: donne incinte e madri finiranno in carcere”: https://www.societadellaragione.it/campagne/carcere-campagne/madri-fuori/nessun-dietrofront-donne-incinte-e-madri-finiranno-in-carcere/

[19] La società della ragione (2024), “No al carcere per le donne incinte: appello della Società Civile contro il Disegno di Legge Sicurezza”: https://www.societadellaragione.it/campagne/carcere-campagne/madri-fuori/no-al-carcere-per-le-donne-incinte-appello-della-societa-civile-contro-il-disegno-di-legge-sicurezza/

[20] Osservatorio nazionale NUDM (2024), “Casi di femminicidi lesbicidi trans*cidi monitorati nel 2024 in Italia”: https://osservatorionazionale.nonunadimeno.net/anno/2024/

[21] Polizia di stato (2025), “Violenza di genere: calano le vittime e aumentano le denunce”: https://www.poliziadistato.it/articolo/violenza-di-genere–calano-le-vittime-e-aumentano-le-denunce

[22] Istat (2025), “Il numero di pubblica utilità 1522: dati trimestrali del III 2024”: https://www.istat.it/tavole-di-dati/il-numero-di-pubblica-utilita-1522-dati-trimestrali-del-iii-trimestre-2024/

[23] ILGA (2025), “Rainbow Map”: https://rainbowmap.ilga-europe.org/

[24] FRA (2025), “FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS REPORT – 2025”: https://fra.europa.eu/sites/default/files/fra_uploads/fra-2025-fundamental-rights-report-2025_en.pdf

[25] World Economic Forum (2025), “Global Gender Gap Report 2025”: https://reports.weforum.org/docs/WEF_GGGR_2025.pdf

[26] IOM (2025), “YEARLY REGIONAL REPORT: Mixed Migration Flows to Europe: Displacement Tracking Matrix (DTM) January – December 2024”: https://dtm.iom.int/sites/g/files/tmzbdl1461/files/reports/DTM_Mixed%20Migration%20Flows%20to%20Europe_Yearly_2024.pdf?iframe=true

[27] CIR Rifugiati (2025), “Asilo e migrazioni: il CIR presenta il Rapporto Attività 2024”: https://cir-rifugiati.org/2025/04/30/asilo-e-migrazioni-il-cir-presenta-il-rapporto-attivita-2024/

[28] Il Sole 24 Ore (2024), “Albania, tribunale Roma rinvia alla Corte Ue e sospende il trattenimento dei migranti: rientreranno in Italia”:  https://www.ilsole24ore.com/art/albania-tribunale-roma-sospende-convalida-trattenimento-sette-migranti-AGNrFg4

[29] Il Fatto Quotidiano (2025), “Lavoratori stranieri, i controlli preventivi promessi non ci sono. L’Ispettorato del lavoro smentisce il Viminale: “Mai ricevuto nulla””:  https://www.ilfattoquotidiano.it/2025/02/07/lavoratori-stranieri-i-controlli-preventivi-promessi-non-ci-sono-lispettorato-del-lavoro-smentisce-il-viminale-mai-ricevuto-nulla/7868542/

[30] Gazetta Ufficiale (2025), ” DECRETO-LEGGE 11 aprile 2025, n. 48: Disposizioni urgenti in materia di sicurezza pubblica, di tutela del personale in servizio, nonche’ di vittime dell’usura e di ordinamento penitenziario. (25G00060) (GU Serie Generale n.85 del 11-04-2025)”: https://www.gazzettaufficiale.it/eli/id/2025/04/11/25G00060/sg

[31] Melting Pot (2024), “DDL Sicurezza: aumenti di pene, reato di rivolta, norma anti ONG, divieto di Sim per chi non ha il PDS”:  https://www.meltingpot.org/2024/10/ddl-sicurezza-aumenti-di-pene-reato-di-rivolta-norma-anti-ong-divieto-di-sim-per-chi-non-ha-il-pds/

[32] ARCI (2024), “Corridoi umanitari dalla Libia, arrivate 97 persone”:  https://www.arci.it/corridoi-umanitari-libia/

[33] ISTAT (2025), “Rapporto Annuale 2025”: https://www.istat.it/produzione-editoriale/rapporto-annuale-2025-la-situazione-del-paese-il-volume/

[34] Ibid.

[35] SVIMEZ (2024), “Rapporto sull’economia del Mezzogiorno. Competitività e coesione: il tempo delle politiche. Il Mulino”: https://www.svimez.it/rapporto-svimez-2024/

[36] European Commission (2024), “Education and Training Monitor 2024 – Italy”: https://op.europa.eu/webpub/eac/education-and-training-monitor/en/country-reports/italy.html

[37] Gazetta Ufficiale (2021), “DECRETO-LEGGE 31 maggio 2021, n. 77: Governance del Piano nazionale di ripresa e resilienza e prime misure di rafforzamento delle strutture amministrative e di accelerazione e snellimento delle procedure”: https://www.gazzettaufficiale.it/eli/id/2021/05/31/21G00087/sg

[38] Gazetta Ufficiale (2023), “DECRETO-LEGGE 4 maggio 2023, n. 48: Misure urgenti per l’inclusione sociale e l’accesso al mondo del lavoro”:  https://www.gazzettaufficiale.it/eli/id/2023/05/04/23G00057/sg

[39] Openpolis (2024), “The PNRR constraints on the hiring of women and young people are not very effective”: https://www.openpolis.it/i-vincoli-pnrr-sullassunzione-di-donne-e-giovani-sono-poco-efficaci/

[40] Fondazione Di Vittorio (2025), “Precarietà e bassi salari. Dieci anni di Jobs Act”: https://www.fondazionedivittorio.it/rivedi-diretta-precarieta-bassi-salari-dieci-anni-jobs-act

Angemessene Löhne

The NSG highlights two structural issues of the Italian labour market. The first is wage stagnation, especially amid ongoing inflation. Whilst incomes have risen, their increase has not been enough to make up for the loss in purchasing power due to inflation. For example, gross household income increased by 4,7% in 2023, yet inflation for all households rose by 5,9%.[1] Contractual wages rose by 4,7% between 2019 and 2024, yet inflation rose by 17,3%.[2] The NSG highlights that real wages in Italy kept decreasing and declined by 6 percentage points during the post-pandemic period due to the inflation shock.[3] Italy is the only advanced European economy in which real wages remain below 2013 levels. In the South, they have decreased 8%.[4]

The second structural issue is the large number of working poor and their high regional concentrations. In 2024, 10.2% of the Italian working population was at risk of poverty, 2% above the European average, according to the Eurostat in-work poverty (IWP) indicator.[5] Around 1.4 million, or 60%, of these working poor live in the South. An estimated 22% of workers in the South live in poverty, compared to just 6% in the North and Centre.[6] Despite narrowing, the gender pay gap remains substantial, the NSG reports. The gap was 22% in 2023, though there were important differences among sectors.[7] In manufacturing, women’s daily wages are over 20% lower than those of men, while women in financial, insurance and business services earn up to 32.1% less than men. Causes of these gaps include economic and educational factors and cultural and social background, according to the NSG. Moreover, women in Italy are overrepresented in low-paid sectors such as care and underrepresented in high-paid, high-skill positions such as those requiring STEM competences.[8] The NSG highlights that both these structural issues require policy changes, including the introduction of a national or legal minimum wage. Currently, minimum wages are determined at sectoral level through collective bargaining, leading to socio-economic inequalities among workers in different sectors.[9]

Berufssicherheit

Job precariousness is both persistent and structural, especially in certain sectors and geographic regions, the NSG points out. The general employment rate improved by 2.1 percentage points from 2023. But one third of people aged 15 to 34 and one fourth of women report at least one form of job vulnerability, such as a fixed-term contract or involuntary part-time work. The under-35s have a particularly high chance – 28.1% – and this part-time employment is involuntary for 5.9 of these women.[10] The percentage of women working involuntary part-time jobs is particularly high at 13.7%, and 4.3% of these women are on fixed-term contracts.[11]

The use of non-standard contracts is widespread. Most of the jobs created between 2020 and 2024 were in low-wage and low-productivity sectors like tourism, retail and personal services.[12] Workers in these sectors, especially young people and women, are prone to job instability and part-time arrangements, and they have limited access to training.[13] To remedy job precariousness, the Italian government introduced the Contratto di Espansione (expansion contract), which has been active since 2019. It allows companies with over 50 employees to offer early retirement packages to older employees in order to open up positions for younger workers.[14] Another government measure to increase labour adaptability was the reactivation of the “Fondo Nuove Competenze” (New Skills Fund), which subsidizes firm-led upskilling and reskilling programmes.[15]

While these developments are positive, the NSG stressed that structural issues require structural solutions. Employment protection mechanisms have been consistently undermined by fragmented policies and a lack of enforcement, in particular for platform workers and in the gig economy. In some sectors, precarious employment is a structural feature rather than a transitional measure, and young people and women are overrepresented in these sectors. As a consequence, both their labour and social protection suffer greatly.[16] The NSG calls for a more inclusive labour strategy that combines long-term reforms, stronger labour rights and regional investment.

[1] ISTAT (2025), “Rapporto Annuale 2024. Capitolo 1 L’Economia Italiana: Crescita, Criticità, Cambiamenti”: https://www.istat.it/produzione-editoriale/rapporto-annuale-2024-la-situazione-del-paese-2/

[2] ISTAT (2025), “Rapporto Annuale 2025. L’Economia Italiana: Crescita, Criticità, Cambiamenti”: https://www.istat.it/produzione-editoriale/rapporto-annuale-2025-la-situazione-del-paese-il-volume/ ; Svimez (2024), “Rapporto Svimez. L’economia e la società del Mezzogiorno. Competitività e coesione: il tempo delle politiche. Il Mulino”: https://www.svimez.it/rapporto-svimez-2024/

[3] AA.VV. (2023), “L’inflazione in Italia. Cause, conseguenze, politiche. Pianta, M. (a cura di), Carocci Editore”: https://www.carocci.it/prodotto/linflazione-in-italia-2

[4] Svimez (2024), ”Rapporto Svimez. L’economia e la società del Mezzogiorno. Competitività e coesione: il tempo delle politiche”: https://www.svimez.it/rapporto-svimez-leconomia-e-la-societa-del-mezzogiorno/

[5] The IWP indicator is based on data from the EU-SILC (Statistics on Income and Living Conditions) survey. It defines as poor those individuals aged 18–64 who work more than six months a year and live in a household with an equivalent disposable income below 60% of the national median. ; Eurostat (2025), “In work at-risk-of-poverty rate”: https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/databrowser/view/sdg_01_41/default/table

[6] Svimez (2024), ”Rapporto Svimez. L’economia e la società del Mezzogiorno. Competitività e coesione: il tempo delle politiche”: https://www.svimez.it/rapporto-svimez-leconomia-e-la-societa-del-mezzogiorno/

[7] Etica SGR (2025), “Gender pay gap: il divario che resiste (anche in Italia)”: https://www.eticasgr.com/storie/approfondimenti/gender-pay-gap-report-oxfam#:~:text=%C3%88%20quanto%20emerge%20dall’ultima,dal%2027%25%20al%2022%25.

[8] INPS (2024), “XXIII Rapporto Annuale INPS”: https://www.inps.it/it/it/dati-e-bilanci/rapporti-annuali/xxiii-rapporto-annuale.html ; INPS (2024), “Rendiconto di genere 2024 INPS”: https://www.inps.it/it/it/inps-comunica/notizie/dettaglio-news-page.news.2025.02.rendiconto-di-genere-2024-i-dati.html

[9] Eurofound (2024), “Italy: minimum wage country profile”: https://www.eurofound.europa.eu/en/topic/minimum-wage/italy. ; AA.VV. (2025). Lavoro e salari in Italia. Cambiamenti nell’occupazione, precarietà, impoverimento. Evangelista, R. e Pacelli, L. (a cura di), Carocci Editore.

[10] ISTAT (2025), “Rapporto Annuale 2025. La situazione del Paese”: https://www.istat.it/produzione-editoriale/rapporto-annuale-2025-la-situazione-del-paese-il-volume/

[11] Ibid.

[12] Banca d’Italia (2025), “Relazione Annuale 2024, 30 Maggio 2025”: https://www.bancaditalia.it/pubblicazioni/relazione-annuale/2024/rel_2024.pdf

[13] AA.VV. (2025). Lavoro e salari in Italia. Cambiamenti nell’occupazione, precarietà, impoverimento. Evangelista, R. e Pacelli, L. (a cura di), Carocci Editore.

[14] Ius Laboris (2019), “Italy – New mechanism for employers to encourage retirement introduced”: https://iuslaboris.com/insights/italy-new-mechanism-for-employers-to-encourage-retirement-introduced/

[15] https://www.lavoro.gov.it/pn-giovani-donne-lavoro/operazioni-di-importanza-strategica/fondo-nuove-competenze

[16] INPS (2024b), “Rendiconto di genere 2024 INPS”: https://www.inps.it/it/it/inps-comunica/notizie/dettaglio-news-page.news.2025.02.rendiconto-di-genere-2024-i-dati.html

draft

Enabling space for civil society

The CIVICUS monitor classifies Italy as “Narrowed”.[1] This indicates that, while individuals and civil society organizations can exercise their rights to freedom of association, peaceful assembly and expression, these rights are often violated through harassment, arrests, or assaults against critics of those in power, as well as through excessive force during protests and political pressure on the media. Civic space has worsened significantly in Italy, and there is a lack of respect for the rule of law, according to the NSG report.[2] I and organizations whose opinions differ from those of the government are criminalized, and opportunities to express such views are increasingly restricted.

The Security Decree, approved in April 2025, introduces several new tools for the government to crack down on resistance. Penalty amounts were increased, and there were expansions in protection for the police and in the powers of the intelligence services. In addition, the scope of offences related to civil disobedience and public demonstrations was enlarged. These measures have affected various forms of protest. Passive resistance is now subject to criminal prosecution.[3] The freedom of trade unions was further restricted, after it had already been undermined by Deputy Prime Minister Matteo Salvini’s back-to-work orders.[4] Youth movements have been suppressed, as have environmental movements and musical counterculture events (which had already been targeted by an “anti-rave” law).[5] The Security Decree also facilitates the use of preventive administrative measures against individuals who have been deemed “socially dangerous”.[6] The movement of these individuals is restricted in newly established “Red Zones”.[7] They can be ordered to leave one of these zones, even if they are exercising their right to peaceful assembly.[8] The Italian Court of Cassation has called into question the constitutionality of the Security Decree. A decree law bypasses parliamentary debate and is normally limited to urgent matters, so its use to limit fundamental rights has been highly contested.[9]

Another decree, the Caivano bis Decree, which extends the application of preventive measures to minors, has had several provisions declared unconstitutional by the Italian Constitutional Court.[10]  Both Caivano-bis and Security Decree will further worsen conditions in Italian prisons, which are already highly problematic. Prisons are overcrowded, with an average occupancy rate of 136.6% of capacity, and the San Vittore prison in Milan had a peak rate of 225%.[11] The Security Decree has also criminalized passive resistance in prisons, greatly reducing the ability of inmates to bring attention to their living conditions. Both mental and physical health conditions are worsening, and 88 suicides were reported inside prisons in 2024, the highest number to date. In just the first trimester of 2025, 33 suicides were carried out.[12]

The NSG reports an increase in attempts to criminalize CSOs and their operations. Ex ante restriction of protest actions happens either through legislation – such as Law 6/2022, which targets civil disobedience by environmentalist movements – or through arbitrary searches and administrative measures such as expulsion orders and bans from accessing urban centres.[13] Ex post restrictions happen through legal proceedings and disproportionate use of force by the police, both during protests and inside police stations.[14]

CSOs also report an increase in other types of attacks. Funding – and thus operability – is threatened by the upcoming removal of the VAT exemption for non-profit entities, which risks undermining the economic sustainability of their activities – very often self-funded- and ultimately restrict freedom of association. [15] [16]NGOs that defend migrant rights have been the specific targets of government restrictions that seek to weaken their operational capacity.[17]

[1] CIVICUS (2025), “CIVICUS Monitor – Italy”: https://monitor.civicus.org/country/italy/

[2] Linkiesta (2023), “Lo stato del mondo. L’Italia è una democrazia imperfetta, spiega l’Economist”: https://www.linkiesta.it/2023/02/democracy-index-2023-italia/

[3] https://www.internazionale.it/notizie/annalisa-camilli/2025/04/08/cosa-prevede-il-decreto-sicurezza

[4] https://www.editorialedomani.it/fatti/sciopero-salvini-precettazione-sindacati-tar-garante-dati-npdbv8ru

[5] IPSOA (2023), “Il “Decreto RAVE” è stato convertito in legge”: https://www.ipsoa.it/documents/quotidiano/2023/01/03/decreto-rave-stato-convertito-legge

[6] Il Sole 24 Ore (2025), “Ddl sicurezza, ampliati i poteri dei servizi segreti: ecco cosa cambia”: https://www.ilsole24ore.com/art/ddl-sicurezza-ampliati-poteri-servizi-segreti-ecco-cosa-cambia-AGBtMQeD

[7] Ministero dell’Interno (2024), “‘Zone rosse’ nelle grandi città, direttiva del ministro Piantedosi per innalzare la sicurezza urbana”: https://www.interno.gov.it/it/notizie/zone-rosse-nelle-grandi-citta-direttiva-ministro-piantedosi-innalzare-sicurezza-urbana

[8] Magistratura Democratica (2024), “Zone rosse: i soggetti “segnalati” e le libertà costituzionali (di tutti)”: https://www.magistraturademocratica.it/articolo/zone-rosse-i-soggetti-segnalati-e-le-liberta-costituzionali-di-tutti/

[9]  Il fatto Quotidiano (2025), “Dl sicurezza, il penalista Gatta: “Inutile. E l’urgenza umilia le Camere””: https://www.ilfattoquotidiano.it/in-edicola/articoli/2025/04/06/dl-sicurezza-il-penalista-gatta-inutile-e-lurgenza-umilia-le-camere/7941934/ ; OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (2024), “Opinion on certain articles of Bill no. 1660 relating to countering terrorism, public security, protection of personnel in service and prison regulations”: https://legislationline.org/sites/default/files/2024-05/2024-05-27%20-%20Opinion_Italy_Draft%20Law%20on%20Public%20Security%20-%20final.pdf

[10] Sistema Penale (2023), “”Decreto Caivano”: le novità introdotte con decreto-legge dal Consiglio dei Ministri (comunicato stampa)”: https://www.sistemapenale.it/it/notizie/decreto-caivano-le-novita-introdotte-con-decreto-legge-dal-consiglio-dei-ministri-comunicato-stampa

[11] Antigone (2025), “XXI Rapporto di Antigone sulle condizioni di detenzione”: https://www.rapportoantigone.it/ventunesimo-rapporto-sulle-condizioni-di-detenzione/

[12] Antigone (2025), “XXI Rapporto di Antigone sulle condizioni di detenzione”: https://www.rapportoantigone.it/ventunesimo-rapporto-sulle-condizioni-di-detenzione/focus-suicidi/

[13] Amnesty International (2024), “Il Ddl contro gli attivisti climatici è legge”: https://www.amnesty.it/il-ddl-contro-gli-attivisti-climatici-e-legge/ ; TGR Veneto (2024), “Padova, perquisite dalla polizia le abitazioni di 5 attivisti di “Ultima generazione””: https://www.rainews.it/tgr/veneto/articoli/2024/05/padova-perquisite-le-abitazioni-di-alcuni-militanti-di-ultima-generazione-03b368e9-61c2-45ac-a407-d05c8e79f877.html ; L’Independente (2024), “Firenze: la procura indaga i manifestanti pro-Palestina, mentre non si ferman le proteste”: https://www.lindipendente.online/2024/05/29/firenze-perquisite-le-case-dei-manifestanti-pro-palestina-mentre-non-si-arrestano-le-proteste/ ; La Repubblica (2024), “La storia di Erica Barberi: “Io, punita con il foglio di via per un‘azione non violenta. Mi impediscono di studiare””: https://palermo.repubblica.it/cronaca/2024/04/30/news/ultima_generazione_erica_barberi_foglio_di_via_palermo-422775182/

[14] Domani (2024), “Come un boss mafioso: l’ambientalista di Ultima Generazione rischia la sorveglianza speciale”: https://www.editorialedomani.it/fatti/giacomo-baggio-ultima-generazione-attivista-rischia-sorveglianza-speciale-tribunale-t3y9j6mq ; https://www.repubblica.it/cronaca/2025/06/03/news/pescara_giovane_morto_infarto_colpito_con_taser_polizia-424646042/?ref=RHLF-BG-P1-S1-T1-SPAZIOFIRME%C2%B0 ; TG la 7 (2024), “Dopo Pisa anche a Firenze manganellate contro gli studenti pro Palestina”: https://tg.la7.it/cronaca/pisa-manganellate-studenti-pro-palestina-firenze-25-02-2024-206885 ; Avvenire (2024), “Mattarella a Piantedosi: manganellare i ragazzi è un fallimento”: https://www.avvenire.it/attualita/pagine/firenze-e-pisa-cariche-della-polizia-contro-gli-studenti-e-polemica ; Open (2024), “Bologna, l’attivista di Extinction Rebellion: “In questura spogliata e perquisita, ho denunciato”:  https://www.open.online/2024/07/27/bologna-attivista-extinction-rebellion-denuncia-abusi-questura/ ; Domani (2025), “Extinction Rebellion denuncia le questure di Roma e Brescia dopo le perquisizioni sugli attivisti”: https://www.editorialedomani.it/fatti/extinction-rebellion-denuncia-questure-roma-brescia-perquisizioni-attivisti-diritto-dissenso-pacifico-xxnvc7kj

[15] Cantiere Terzo Settore (2024), “In Gu il dl Milleproroghe con il rinvio del nuovo regime Iva al 1° gennaio 2026”: https://www.cantiereterzosettore.it/nel-dl-milleproroghe-il-rinvio-del-nuovo-regime-iva-al-1-gennaio-2026/

[16] Ansa It (2025), “Sede Cgil di Taranto imbrattata con scritte no vax”: https://www.ansa.it/sito/notizie/cronaca/2024/10/07/sede-cgil-di-taranto-imbrattata-con-scritte-no-vax_af667f5a-cbbb-4f41-b0ba-43302d5a39ff.html ; https://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Assalto_alla_sede_della_CGIL ; https://www.rainews.it/tgr/piemonte/articoli/2025/01/vetrine-infrante-serranda-divelta-bomba-carta

[17] Il manifesto (2024), “Così il decreto flussi può affondare le ong”: https://ilmanifesto.it/cosi-il-decreto-flussi-puo-affondare-le-ong ; Valiglia Blu (2024), “Gli effetti del Decreto Piantedosi sul soccorso in mare”: https://www.valigiablu.it/ong-soccorso-mare-decreto-piantedosi-effetti/ ; La Repubblica (2024), “Le rotte vessatorie per le navi ”Andare al nord è stato come fare tre volte il giro del mondo”. Spesi otro milioni di euro n più””: https://www.repubblica.it/italia/2024/08/18/news/navi_ong_rotte_porti_lontani-423450835/

Zugang zu Energie und Energiearmut

Energy poverty in Italy has worsened substantially, according to a 2024 preliminary report by the Italian Observatory for Energy Poverty.[1] The report stresses that energy poverty deeply affects the daily lives of Italian households who struggle to afford the rising costs. Around 2.36 million households experienced energy poverty in 2023, with families with dependent minors and families which include at least one foreign individual being most affected.[2] Important regional differences also exist, with the South of Italy increasingly affected by energy poverty.[3] Many households are opting to reduce the consumption of heating altogether, indicated by a decline in average household energy expenditure. Likely reasons include rising energy prices and the reduction in public support for household energy expenditure, following an increase in response to the 2022 energy crisis.[4] Public spending on energy support amounted to €27.3 billion in 2022, but only €10 billion of the state budget was allocated to such programmes in 2023.[5]

Italy lacks a clear framework to support renewable and solidarity energy communities (RESCs) to implement the EU Energy Communities Initiative, the NSG points out. RESCs are essential, the NSG stresses, as they address regulatory and financial challenges that affect the provision of inclusive and equitable access to energy. The publication of the Energy Efficiency Plan for social housing and homes of low-income families could be a positive development, according to the NSG. The plan, which forms part of the National Recovery and Resilience Plan, is expected to improve living conditions and housing quality for millions of poor people[6]

[1] IPE (2024), “La povertà energetica in Italia”: https://oipeosservatorio.it/wp-content/uploads/2024/12/2024_PE_ITA_2023.pdf

[2]  Istat (2024), “Annuario statistico italiano 2024”: https://www.istat.it/produzione-editoriale/annuario-statistico-italiano-2024/

[3] IPE (2024), “La povertà energetica in Italia”: https://oipeosservatorio.it/wp-content/uploads/2024/12/2024_PE_ITA_2023.pdf

[4] Ibid.

[5] Ibid.; UPB (2024) ”Rapporto sulla politica di bilancio”: https://www.upbilancio.it/wp-content/uploads/2024/06/Rapporto_2024_pol_bil.pdf

[6] Struttura di Missione PNRR (2025), “Missione REPowerEU: pubblicato il decreto per il miglioramento dell’efficienza energetica dell’Edilizia Residenziale Pubblica (ERP)”: https://www.strutturapnrr.gov.it/it/documenti/comunicati-stampa/pubblicato-il-decreto-per-il-miglioramento-dell-efficienza-energetica-erp/