Geschlechtergleichheit

Italy ranks 79th out of 146 countries in the World Economic Forum’s 2023 Global Gender Gap Report, and its ranking for women's political participation declined significantly to 64th in 2023, from 40th in 2022.[1] The report estimated that achieving global gender equality will take about 131 years in Italy. The European Institute for Gender Equality’s (EIGE) 2023 report places Italy last in the labour category, scoring 65 out of 100, well below the European average of 74. Italy also ranks lowest in the EU for full-time equivalent employment with a rate of 31.3%, highlighting substantial disparities between men and women in job continuity, security, career advancement, and income.[2]    [3] The gender pay gap in Italy persists in both public and private sectors, resulting in women's average pensions being 36 % lower than men's.[6] Italy has the fourth highest pay gap in Europe, with an 8.7% gap in the private sector.[7]

Women make up about three-quarters of part-time workers, often due to caregiving responsibilities. In Southern Italy, over half of women with children are inactive professionally. Italian women spend an average of five hours a day on caregiving tasks, compared to just over two hours for men, leading to significant imbalances in unpaid work.[8]Involuntary part-time work [9] is also more common among women, especially young women aged 15-34.

Lower salaries and challenging career paths contribute to a reduced quality of life, forcing many women to forgo essential healthcare, social interactions and leisure activities.[11] Women's reproductive health is also poorly considered, and the government, which allows the voluntary termination of pregnancy and is the only state law allowing conscientious objection by medical professionals. In fact, the government parties have proposed to finance the activities of anti-abortion associations within the counselling centres (Consultori) with PNRR funds. [12]

LGBTQI+ individuals in Italy face ongoing discrimination and violence, prompting many to consider emigration. In 2023, there were 149 hate crime victims, including four deaths.[13] The 2024 Rainbow Map ranks Italy 36th out of 49 European countries, down two positions from the previous year.[14] According to the EU Agency for Fundamental Rights, 53% of homosexual individuals living in Italy fear holding hands in public, and 38% have experienced discrimination. The number of LGBTQI+ students reporting bullying or discrimination at school increased from 43% in 2019 to 68% in 2023.[15] The NSG also highlights the 2023 report "On the Side of Antigone", which includes data on all women's prisons and sections in the country, including juvenile facilities and wards housing trans inmates in male prisons. The report shows that women in Italian prisons are a minority of the incarcerated population but bear the burden of a penal system designed for male needs and peculiarities.[16]

Eingliederung von Migranten, Flüchtlingen, Asylbewerbern und Minderheiten

The "Decreto Cutro" (Cutro Decree Law), enacted in May 2023, tightens immigration rules in Italy by restricting migrants' rights and making it harder to obtain protection and legal status, the NSG notes. Key changes include limiting work permit conversions, extending detention for deportation from 120 to 135 days, and allowing asylum seekers to be detained at the border for up to four weeks during claim processing.[17] Italy has also made a significant move by agreeing with Albania to establish offshore detention centres.[18] Under this plan, adult male asylum seekers will be sent to these centres for identification, asylum processing, and repatriation, while women, children, and vulnerable individuals will be exempt from transfer. This initiative has drawn criticism for potentially violating human rights, as it involves detaining asylum seekers outside the EU and under uncertain legal jurisdictions.[19] In addition, amendments to Italy's migration laws have targeted NGOs conducting sea rescues. These new regulations impose heavy fines and administrative sanctions, including the detention and possible confiscation of rescue vessels, for non-compliance with search and rescue orders from Italian authorities.[20] These measures are viewed as efforts to restrict the activities of humanitarian organisations assisting migrants in distress at sea.[21]

In April 2023, the Italian government declared a state of emergency to address the increasing number of sea crossings. This aimed to implement stricter controls and expedite legislative changes to manage migration flows.[22] The decision to declare a state of emergency despite Italy taking fewer refugees than the EU average (relative to its inhabitants) has been criticised for its lack of transparency and for the political manipulation of migration.[23] Despite the Reception and Integration System’s proven success at integrating migrants, the Italian government has failed to invest in expanding its capacity. Instead, it has allowed the public reception system to deteriorate, by promoting large facilities with reduced services and increasingly bypassing transparent public tenders for personal services due to recent regulatory changes and the state of emergency. The emergency decree law n. 133 of 5 October 2023[25] limits the rights of minors, particularly affecting those over 16, who represent 70.2% of unaccompanied foreign minors.[26] and uses invasive age checks, undermining existing protections. The poor reception and guardianship practices place minors at risk of undocumented status as they grow older. These legislative changes in Italy mirror a broader European trend towards stricter immigration controls. They have faced significant criticism from human rights organisations and international bodies for undermining migrants' rights and failing to address the root causes of migration.[27] As an alternative to the emergency model, the EU and UNHCR continue to advocate for "complementary pathways"—safe, regulated routes offering refugees legal admission and residence.[28]

Bewährte Verfahren

Humanitarian corridors, introduced in Italy in 2017, offer a regulated migration pathway by connecting refugees with host communities to support their integration. Arci, through its "Circoli Rifugio” hosts and support refugees coming to Italy through safe pathways for up to 12 months. This project is funded by the Italian Buddhist Institute Soka Gakkai. In 2022, through this initiative at least 50 reception places aimed at Afghan citizens were created.[29] In December 2023, Arci signed a new protocol with the Italian government to assist 300 refugees from Libya.[30]

Jugendarbeitslosigkeit

Youth unemployment in Italy decreased slightly from 23% in 2022 to 20.1% in early 2024, although the rate remains one of the highest in Europe.[31] In addition, 43.6% of young workers in Italy are on temporary contracts, compared to the EU average of 25.1%. These figures underscore the ongoing challenges young Italians face in securing stable employment. The high youth unemployment rate in Italy has significant long-term consequences. Many young people are at risk of becoming NEETs (not in employment, education, or training), which negatively impacts their future job prospects and earning potential. In 2022, over 20% of Italians aged 15 to 19 fell into the NEETs category, compared to the EU average of 11%, highlighting the urgent need for more effective youth employment policies.[33]  

Factors behind the challenges in youth employment include the education system’s limited focus on technical and practical skills, the prevalence of unpaid internships, and the widespread use of temporary contracts, according to the NSG. All of these factors hinder young people from securing stable and fulfilling career paths.  The European Commission has identified structural issues in the education system contributing to skills mismatches and youth unemployment, and it stresses the need for programmes to address these gaps.[34] Recent European and national initiatives aim to boost youth employment, such as the Youth Guarantee programme and Italy’s “Decreto Giovani” (Youth Decree Law), which offer job incentives and subsidies to private companies that hire NEETs.[35] The 2024 “Decreto coesione” (Cohesion Decree Law) promotes permanent contracts for young workers, and the National Recovery and Resilience Plan (NRRP) mandates that firms receiving funds hire at least minimum percentages of young people and women.[36] However, compliance with these requirements has been low: many contracts use exemptions, and a significant portion of tenders lack commitments to hire young and female workers.[37]

[1] World Economic. Forum - Global Gender Gap Report (2023) https://www.weforum.org/reports/global-gender-gap-report-2023/in-full

[2] European Institute for Gender Equality (2024) Italy: https://eige.europa.eu/gender-equality-index/2023/country/IT

[3] Eurostat (2024) Employment - annual statistics: https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statistics-explained/index.php?title=Employment_-_annual_statistics#Employment_of_men_and_women_by_age_groups

[4] Istat (2024) The labour market: https://www.istat.it/wp-content/uploads/2024/06/Mercato-del-lavoro-I-trim2024.pdf

[5] Eurostat (2024) Employment - annual statistics: https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statistics-explained/index.php?title=Employment_-_annual_statistics#Employment_of_men_and_women_by_age_groups

[6] INPS (2024) Analysis of gender gaps in the labour market and social security system: https://www.inps.it/content/dam/inps-site/it/scorporati/comunicatistampa/2024/02/Allegati/3452_CS_CIV_21febbraio.pdf

[7] Osservatorio Job Pricing (2024) Gender Gap Report 2023 - https://www.jobpricing.it/project/gender-gap-report/

[8] Save the Children (2024) Balancing: motherhood in Italy in 2024: https://www.savethechildren.it/cosa-facciamo/pubblicazioni/le-equilibriste-la-maternita-italia-nel-2024

[9] Involuntary part-time work refers to employment where individuals are working fewer hours than they desire or need, typically due to economic conditions, lack of available full-time positions, or employer restrictions.

[10] ISTAT (2024) rapporto Annuale 2024: https://www.istat.it/it/files/2024/05/Rapporto-Annuale-2024.pdf

[11] Francesca Visentin (2024) Women live longer than men, but worse: gender gap influences:  https://27esimaora.corriere.it/24_maggio_18/donne-vivono-piu-lungo-uomini-ma-peggio-influisce-gender-gap-40648e56-147b-11ef-9425-d10466a9659d.shtml

[12] Istat (2024) Hearing of the National Institute of Statistics at the Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry on Femicide: https://www.istat.it/audizioni/audizione-dellistituto-nazionale-di-statistica-presso-la-commissione-parlamentare-dinchiesta-sul-femminicidio-nonche-su-ogni-forma-di-violenza-di-genere/

[13] Arcigay (2024) Homolesbobitransfobia, Arcigay's alarm: Every two days a violence, 4 deaths in the last twelve months: https://www.arcigay.it/comunicati/omolesbobitransfobia-lallarme-di-arcigay-ogni-due-giorni- una-violenza-4-morti-negli-ultimi-dodici-mesi/

[14] GAY.IT (2024) Rainbow Map 2024, Italy falls to 36th place out of 49 countries for LGBT equality and protection:  https://www.gay.it/rainbow-map-2024-italia-paesi-uguaglianza-e-tutela-delle-persone-lgbt

[15] FRA (2023) EU LGBTIQ survey III, LGBTIQ Equality at a Crossroads:  Progress and Challenges: https://fra.europa.eu/itci

[16] Antigone (2024) On Antigione's side, first report on women prisoners in Italy: https://www.rapportoantigone.it/primo-rapporto-sulle-donne-detenute-in-italia/

[17] Presidency of the Council of Ministers (2023) DECREE-LAW 10 March 2023, n. 20:  https://www.normattiva.it/uri-res/N2Ls?urn:nir:stato:decreto.legge:2023-03-10;20

[18] https://temi.camera.it/leg19/temi/protocollo-italia-albania-in-materia-migratoria.html

[19] Arci (2023) Asylum and Immigration Table: Appeal to Parliament not to ratify the Italy-Albania Protocol: https://www.arci.it/tai-italia-albania/

[20] Decree-Law No. 1/2023, amended by Law No. 15 of 24 February 2023. 

[21] Arci (2023) Rescue is a right and a duty, not a crime! Stop attacks against NGOs and people on the move: ﷟HYPERLINK "https://www.arci.it/soccorso-non-e-un-crimine/"https://www.arci.it/soccorso-non-e-un-crimine/

[22] Presidency of the Council of Ministers (2023)  https://www.governo.it/it/articolo/comunicato-stampa-del-consiglio-dei-ministri-n-28/22332

[23] Arci (2023) Migrants, Miraglia (Arci) appeals to journalists, Odg and FNSI: “take the side of reality and real data”: ﷟HYPERLINK "https://www.arci.it/appello-giornalisti-dati-reali/"https://www.arci.it/appello-giornalisti-dati-reali/

[24] Openpolis and Actionaid (2024) Centers of Italy, a failure foretold: https://migrantidb.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/rapporti_pdf/centriditalia_un_fallimento_annunciato.pdf

[25] Presidency of the Council of Ministers (2023)  https://www.normattiva.it/uri-res/N2Ls?urn:nir:stato:decreto.legge:2023-10-%2005;133!vig=2023-10-06

[26] Openpolis (2023) The government's crackdown on unaccompanied foreign minors: ﷟HYPERLINK "https://www.openpolis.it/la-stretta-del-governo-sui-minori-stranieri-non-accompagnati/"https://www.openpolis.it/la-stretta-del-governo-sui-minori-stranieri-non-accompagnati/

[27] Melting Pot Europa (2023) UFM: A new decree compresses rights and guarantees  https://www.meltingpot.org/2023/10/msna-un-nuovo-decreto-comprime-diritti-e-garanzie/

[28] UNHCR (2024) Complementary pathways for admission to third countries:  https://www.unhcr.org/what-we-do/build-better-futures/long-term-solutions/complementary-pathways

[29] Arci (2022) Humanitarian Corridors from Afghanistan with Circoli Rifugio: https://www.arci.it/campagna/corridoi-umanitari-circoli-rifugio/

[30] Arci (2023) Libya: Memorandum of Understanding Signed to Save 1,500 People: https://www.arci.it/libia-corridoi-umanitari/

[31] ISTAT (2024), Rapport Annuale 2024. La situazione del Paese: https://www.istat.it/it/archivio/296796.

[32] Openpolis (2023) Inadequate skills fuel the NEET phenomenon:  https://www.openpolis.it/le-competenze-inadeguate-alimentano-il-fenomeno-dei-neet/

[33] Eurostat (2024) Statistics on young people neither in employment nor in education or training: https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statistics-explained/index.php? title=Statistics_on_young_people_neither_in_employment_nor_in_education_or_training#The

_NEET_rate_within_the_EU_and_its_Member_States_in_2022.

[34] European Commission (2022). Education and Training Monitor 2022: https://op.europa.eu/webpub/eac/education-and-training-monitor-2022/en/country-reports/italy.html

[35] Art. 27 D.L. n.48/2023, incentives to hire under 30 NEETs signed to the National Operative Program “Iniziativa Occupazione Giovani”

[36] Official Gazette: DECREE-LAW 31 May 2021, n. 77 -

https://www.gazzettaufficiale.it/eli/id/2021/05/31/21G00087/sg

[37] Openpolis (2024) The PNRR constraints on the hiring of women and young people are not very effective:  https://www.openpolis.it/i-vincoli-pnrr-sullassunzione-di-donne-e-giovani-sono- poco-efficaci/

Angemessene Löhne

Between 2013 and 2023, gross income in Italy grew about 16%, compared to the EU27 average of 30.8%. But real wages in Italy decreased by 8% from 1990 to 2023, leading to a significant contraction in workers' purchasing power.[1] The impact was particularly felt after the inflation surge in 2022, which exacerbated the gap between nominal and real incomes as well as existing socio-economic inequalities.[2] Workers under 35 were disproportionately affected, as they worked just 175 remunerated days in a year. For over-35s, the figures were 228 in the South and 258 in the North and Centre.[3]

The share of the employed population classed as “working poor” increased from 9.5% in 2010 to 11.5% in 2022, compared to an EU average of 8.9%. In 2022, 2.7 million workers (11.5% of the employed) were unable to meet their basic needs. The risk of poverty is notably higher for workers on temporary or part-time contracts: 16.2% of temporary workers are at risk, compared to 8.5% of permanent workers, while 19.9% of part-time workers are at risk, versus 9.7% of full-time workers.[4] In the South and Islands, the situation is particularly severe, especially among foreign workers, of whom 34.6% live in absolute poverty. Currently, wages are determined through sectoral national contracts determined by collective bargaining. As of March 2024, 36 such national contracts were awaiting renewal, affecting 4.6 million employees with inadequate wages. Effective policy measures could include an adequate statutory minimum wage, which would help address inequalities among different worker categories and improve both firm-level and macroeconomic performance.[5] A minimum wage would

Berufssicherheit

The Italian labour market is still characterized by high levels of precarity, and the NSG recommends ad hoc policy interventions to reverse the flexibilization of employment practices and tackle its socio-economic consequences.[6] The Covid-19 pandemic had uneven impacts across sectors and social groups. Industries such as technology and healthcare demonstrated resilience and growth, while sectors such as tourism and retail have struggled to recover. The economic downturn intensified pre-existing vulnerabilities and led to widespread job losses and increased job insecurity. [7] While Italy's unemployment rate has slightly decreased and employment has risen since 2022, the increase in employment has been significantly marked by precarious and unstable conditions. The prevalence of short-term contracts, which accounted for 16% of total employment in 2023 [8], underscores the fragile nature of many jobs in Italy. Job security remains a critical issue for temporary and gig workers, too. Geographical disparities persist, and Southern Italy has a higher share of temporary contracts than the Northern and Central regions. Informal economic activities also play a significant role. Around 3,8% of employment falls outside formal contracts, leading to reduced job security and benefits and exacerbating poverty and vulnerability[9]

In response, the Italian government has introduced measures to enhance job security and address labour market fragmentation. The “Contratto di Espansione”(Expansion contract) allows companies with more than 50 employees undergoing restructuring to offer pre-retirement benefits, while the “Fondo Nuove Competenze”(New Competences Fund), set up in 2020 and refinanced in 2022, supports firms in upskilling or reskilling their workforces to address skill mismatches.[10] The OECD reports that 38.5% of workers face vertical mismatch—meaning that they are either overqualified (20.2%) or underqualified (18.2%)—and 37% experience horizontal mismatch, meaning their jobs do not align with their fields of study.

[1] ISTAT (2024) Annual Report 2024: https://www.istat.it/it/archivio/296796.

[2] AA.VV. (2023). L’inflazione in Italia. Cause, conseguenze, politiche. Pianta, M. (a cura di), Carocci Editore: https://www.carocci.it/prodotto/linflazione-in-italia-2

[3] Rapporto Svimez (2023), L’economia e la società del Mezzogiorno: http://lnx.svimez.info/svimez/il-rapporto/

[4] ISTAT (2024), Rapport Annuale 2024. La situazione del Paese: https://www.istat.it/it/archivio/296796.

[5] Eurofound (2024) Italy: minimum wage country profile - https://www.eurofound.europa.eu/en/topic/minimum-wage/italy.

[6] i Cirillo, V., Fanti, L., Mina, A. and Ricci, A. (2023). New Digital Technologies and Firm Performance in the Italian Economy, Industry and Innovation, 30(1): 159-188: https://www.iris.santannapisa.it/retrieve/de8e525a-35b4-44c6-a9fd92ba780b8dc4/New%20digital%20technologies%20and%20firm%20performance%20in%20the%20Italian%20economy.pdf

[7] Dosi, G., Fanti, L. and Virgillito, M.E. (2020). Unequal Societies in Usual Times, Unjust Societies in Pandemic Ones, Journal of Industrial and Business Economics, 47(3): 371-389: https://oa.inapp.gov.it/bitstreams/fc305e3d-3ead-41e8-80e6-7991c1a89f37/download

[8] Istat data on workers with age 15-64. link

[9]ILO (2024) Statistics on the informal economy: ﷟HYPERLINK "https://ilostat.ilo.org/topics/informality/"https://ilostat.ilo.org/topics/informality/  

[10] Ministry of Labour and Social Policies (2024) Funds for companies for continuous training:

https://www.lavoro.gov.it/temi-e-priorita/orientamento-e-formazione/focus/pagine/fondi-alle-imprese-la-formazione-continua

Gehäuse

Italy has faced a severe housing crisis affecting many families over the last year, stemming from several factors. Investment in public housing (Edilizia Residenziale Pubblica) has been reduced; rising poverty is making it harder for people to afford housing; and rents have been rising due to a shortage of available homes and the growth of short-term rentals. According to Idealista, a leading real estate portal in Italy, rents surged by 13.8% in 2023 from 2022, and the average monthly rent reached €12.50 per square metre.[1] The rising cost of living and increased mortgage interest rates have made property purchases more challenging, leading to higher demand for rental properties amid insufficient supply, especially in major cities, and driving up rental prices. In addition, the use of properties for short-term rentals, which provide higher returns quickly, has further reduced the availability of long-term residential housing.[2] The general impoverishment of the population, driven by job insecurity, wage stagnation, high living costs, and cuts in welfare services, has intensified economic and housing difficulties. Average household spending on housing, which includes costs for utilities, rose by 11% in 2022 from the previous year, according to ISTAT, the Italian National Institute for Statistics. It accounted for 38.5% of total household expenses in 2022, up from 37.8% in 2021. To manage these rising costs, people have reduced their spending. For instance, 29.5% of people cut back on food spending in 2022, up about 5 percentage points from 24.4% in 2021, while  33.3% reduced spending on beverages, up 4 percentage points from 29.6% in 2021, and 35.6% spent less on personal care, up 4 percentage points from 31.7%  

Federcasa reports a significant shortfall in public housing in Italy, with about 650,000 unmet requests affecting 1.4 million people. Despite this high demand, 7% of public housing units are unoccupied, and many need renovation. There is also a large gap in student accommodation, with over 95,000 eligible students competing for just 40,069 available places.[3] The ISTAT census identifies about 460,000 people in Italy facing severe housing issues, which have caused them to be homeless or live in informal camps.[4] The housing crisis worsened after the pandemic, as eviction orders and actual evictions rose significantly in 2022[5] The 2024 State Budget lacks new measures for rental support and public housing, and reduced funding for local authorities is expected to worsen the situation.

Bewährte Verfahren

The in Rome represents a key initiative by formalizing the occupation of abandoned buildings in Rome by transforming them into legal, quality housing and community spaces. Guided by the Department of Architecture at Roma Tre University, the effort reflects a broader struggle against inadequate housing and welfare policies, .[6]

Armutsbekämpfung

Preliminary estimates from ISTAT indicate a poverty crisis, with 5.7 million people currently living in absolute poverty in 2023. The situation has deteriorated compared to 2022, particularly in Northern Italy, where there has been an increase of 136,000 families in poverty in 2023. Families including minors remain particularly vulnerable, as high costs are having a significant impact on their standard of living. The number of minors living in absolute poverty reached 1.3 million in 2023, which is in line with 2022 figures that showed 28.8% of children and adolescents under 16 were at risk of poverty or social exclusion. The risk was higher in the South and the Islands (46.6%) than in the Centre (21.4%) and the North (18.3%).[7]

Zugang zu einer hochwertigen Gesundheitsversorgung

The NSG highlights two particular concerns over the healthcare system in Italy. One is inadequate investment in public healthcare, which was confirmed by the 2024-2026 budget. Another is the shift of many services to the private sector, which is leading to higher costs and, therefore, inequalities in access to care.

The latest report by the Centre for Applied Economic Research in Health (Crea) reveals that 1.6 million people in Italy, equivalent to 6.1% of households, are living in healthcare poverty. These individuals have had to forgo healthcare and treatments due to financial constraints, or they have been pushed into poverty as a result of having to pay for necessary medical care.[11] Italy continues to lag behind several EU countries in health expenditure, To bring healthcare spending to adequate levels, an additional €15 billion would be needed, though even this would not close the gap with the EU average. For the three year period 2024-2026, health expenditure is .[13] Serious issues include long waiting times for basic medical tests, crowded emergency rooms, and delays for major surgery, including for surgery to treat cancer. For migrants, healthcare access is even more challenging, as lengthy waits for residence permits force many to rely on emergency rooms, which hinders their access to specialist care.  problems stem from the reduction of public primary care facilities and the shortage of hospital doctors[14]

The NSG has raised concerns about the government's proposed “Autonomia differenziata” (Differentiated Regionalism) measure, warning that it could exacerbate existing healthcare inequalities between northern and southern Italy.[15] The north-south divide already results in significant disparities in access to healthcare, prompting many people to seek treatment in northern regions. Granting greater autonomy to regions with better healthcare performance could further widen these inequalities under the current system of shared responsibility between the state and regions.

[1] La Stampa (2023) Rents 2023: record increase of 13.8% year-on-year: https://finanza.lastampa.it/News/2023/12/29/affitti-2023-aumento-record-del-13-8percento-rispetto-allanno-precedente/NzFfMjAyMy0xMi0yOV9UTEI#:~:text=Lavoro-,Affitti%202023%3A%20aumento%20record%20del%2013,8%25%20rispetto%20all'anno%20precedente&text=Il%20costo%20dell'affitto%20ha,5%20euro%20al%20metro%20quadro.

[2] Celata, A. Romano (2020), Overtourism and online short-term rental platforms in Italian cities: https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/09669582.2020.1788568

[3] Ministry of University and Research: –2022 Housing by municipality:https://dati-ustat.mur.gov.it/dataset/2022-diritto-allo-studio-universitario-dsu-regionale/resource/c5a3cbd8-c799-4170-998b-05d2f5cca369

[4] ISTAT(2024) Permanent population and housing census: https://www.istat.it/statistiche-per-temi/censimenti/popolazione-e-abitazioni/

[5] Central Institute of Statistics (2024) Procedures for the release of residential properties:  https://ucs.interno.gov.it/ucs/contenuti/procedure_di_rilascio_di_immobili_ad_uso_abitativo_int_00004-7734141.htm

[6] Roma TRe (2024) RecHouse River Port Project Funded: ﷟HYPERLINK "https://architettura.uniroma3.it/articoli/finanziato-il-progetto-porto-fluviale-rechouse-171245/"https://architettura.uniroma3.it/articoli/finanziato-il-progetto-porto-fluviale-rechouse-171245/

[7] Istat (2023), Stime preliminari povertà assoluta e spese per consumi - Anno 2023: https://www.istat.it/it/archivio/295348

[8] INPS (2018) Observatory on Citizenship Income and Pension: https://www.inps.it/it/it/dati-e-bilanci/osservatori-statistici-e-altre-statistiche/dati-cartacei---rdc.html

[9] INPS (2024) Inclusion allowance and training and work support: https://www.inps.it/content/dam/inps-site/pdf/dati-analisi-bilanci/osservatori-statistici/osservatorio-adi-sfl/Report_ADI_SFL_2024_07_d.pdf

[10] Ministry of Economy and Finance (2024) Shopping Card: https://www.mef.gov.it/focus/Carta-Acquisti/

[11] 19° Rapporto CREA https://www.creasanita.it/attivita-scientifiche/rapporto-sanita/

[12] These countries are: Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Denmark, Ireland, United Kingdom, Greece, Spain, Portugal.

[13] GIMBE (2023) 6th GIMBE Report on the National Health Service:

https://www.salviamo-ssn.it/attivita/rapporto/6-rapporto-gimbe.it-IT.html

[14] L’EURISPES.IT (2024) Healthcare at risk, the shortage of doctors and the absence of surgeons weighs heavily: https://www.leurispes.it/carenza-di-medici-e-di-chirurghi-la-sanita-e-a-rischio/

[15] Chamber of deputies (2024) Provisions for the implementation of the differentiated autonomy of ordinary statute regions pursuant to Article 116(3) of the Constitution:  ﷟HYPERLINK "https://documenti.camera.it/apps/commonServices/getDocumento.ashx?sezione=lavori&tipoDoc=testo_pdl_pdf&idlegislatura=19&codice=leg.19.pdl.camera.1665.19PDL0072530"https://documenti.camera.it/apps/commonServices/getDocumento.ashx?sezione=lavori&tipoDoc=testo_pdl_pdf&idlegislatura=19&codice=leg.19.pdl.camera.1665.19PDL0072530

The CIVICUS Monitor classifies Italy’s civic space as "Narrowed," a status that has remained unchanged since 2018.[1] This classification indicates that, while individuals and civil society organizations can exercise their rights to freedom of association, peaceful assembly, and expression, these rights are often violated through harassment, arrests, or assaults of critics of those in power, as well as through excessive force during protests and political pressure on the media.

Enabling civil space for civil society organisations

The NSG reports that, since Giorgia Meloni's government took office in 2022, key principles of the rule of law in Italy have increasingly come under threat, including the separation of powers, judicial independence, press freedom, and civic space.[2] Concerns have been raised about a possible shift towards what is often described as an "illiberal democracy". One example of such a shift was a discussion in the Senate in May 2024 of a possible reform to directly elect the Prime Minister. This idea faces strong opposition, as it is seen as potentially undermining democratic institutions.[3] The Italian prison system is a source of concerns related to the rule of law and respect for fundamental rights. It is experiencing a crisis due to severe overcrowding amid a growing number of detainees, especially in juvenile facilities. The situation could worsen significantly if a bill is passed to make prison rioting a crime and establish new offences for house occupation and the use of roadblocks during protests. The bill was still being debated as of May 2024 in the Chamber of Deputies. If it becomes law, even non-violent disobedience of an order could lead to years in jail, and thousands of people could be condemned to prison sentences.[4]

Italy dropped five places to 46th in the 2024 World Press Freedom Index by Reporters Sans Frontières, entering the “orange” zone that denotes problematic countries.[5] The press freedom situation in Italy is critical, with attacks on journalists from government and politicians, and state television (RAI) being taken over by government parties. The attacks include a rise in defamation lawsuits against media and journalists, which are often seen as SLAPPs (strategic lawsuits against public participation) – that is, a means to intimidate and stifle free speech. In response to these moves, media organisations and press freedom advocates issued an international appeal in April 2024, and a mission by Media Freedom Response was organised, though the government declined to meet with it.

On 24 February 2024, Italy enacted the so-called “gag law”, which bans the publication of pre-trial detention orders until after preliminary hearings or investigations, raising concerns about press freedom and judicial transparency.[6] The government has also intensified its crackdown on climate activists with the “eco-vandals” law, which imposes severe penalties for causing damage during environmental protests.[7] Police have violently repressed student protests, particularly those in support of Palestine, and attacks on student marches in Pisa and Florence resulted in injuries.[8] Restrictions on expressing solidarity with Palestine have increased, including arrests for displaying Palestinian flags and bans on demonstrations.[9] The Meloni government has also faced criticism for undermining LGBTQI+ rights. Italy ranks low on the Rainbow Map, and it has controversial laws impacting same-sex parenting, such as a mandate for only biological parents to be listed on birth certificates.[10] These actions have sparked significant national and international backlash.

The Italian government has increasingly restricted the right to strike and undermined trade unions. Strikes by CGIL, UIL, and USB unions in 2023 were banned. [11].[12] New VAT regulations for non-profit organisations, which were scheduled to become effective in January 2025, were expected to increase bureaucratic requirements without generating significant revenue for the state.[13] The NSG highlights that Italy remains one of the few EU countries without an independent human rights institution, despite repeated calls from the European Commission and ongoing parliamentary discussions.[14] 

[1] CIVICUS (2023), Italy: https://monitor.civicus.org/country/italy/

[2] CIVICUS (2023), Italy: https://monitor.civicus.org/country/italy/

[3] Senate of the Republic (2024) Senate Bill No. 935:  https://www.senato.it/leg/19/BGT/Schede/Ddliter/57694.htm

[4] Arci (2024) Illiberal democracy is already here!: https://www.arci.it/dl-sicurezza-illiberale/

[5] RSF (2024) Index: https://rsf.org/en/index

[6] European Parliament (2024) Parliamentary question - E-000823/2024: ﷟HYPERLINK "https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/E-9-2024-000823_IT.html"https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/E-9-2024-000823_IT.html

[7] Official Gazette (2024) LAW 22 January 2024, n. 6: ﷟HYPERLINK "https://www.gazzettaufficiale.it/eli/id/2024/01/24/24G00016/SG"https://www.gazzettaufficiale.it/eli/id/2024/01/24/24G00016/SG

[8] Presidency of the Republic (2024) Mattarella hears Minister Piantedosi: protect the freedom to express one's thoughts: ﷟HYPERLINK "https://www.quirinale.it/elementi/107701"https://www.quirinale.it/elementi/107701

[9] ILGA Europe (2024) Rainbow Map 2024: https://rainbowmap.ilga-europe.org/

[10] The Guardian (2023)

This article is more than 1 year old

‘Orphaned by decree’: Italy’s same-sex parents react to losing their rights: ﷟HYPERLINK "https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/aug/21/orphaned-by-decree-italy-same-sex-parents-react-losing-rights"https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/aug/21/orphaned-by-decree-italy-same-sex-parents-react-losing-rights

[11] Ansa (2024) Salvini, strike on December 15th but not for 24 hours: https://www.ansa.it/sito/notizie/economia/2023/12/05/salvini-sciopero-il-15-dicembre-ma-non-per-24-ore_bd9a7f43-e5c6-4ebc-bf65-cbba637561ac.html

[12] Cantiere Terzo Settore (2024) Acli and Third Sector Reform: “Less Rigidity, Greater Clarity and Changes to Taxation”: https://www.cantiereterzosettore.it/interviste/acli-e-riforma-del-terzo-settore-meno-rigidita-maggiore-chiarezza-e-modifiche-alla-fiscalita/

[13] Arci (2024) oppressIVA: https://www.arci.it/oppresiva/

[14] https://commission.europa.eu/document/download/34d9939c-5597-4fbe-95ac-73328d6e0fa2_en?filename=29_1_52611_coun_chap_italy_en.pdf

Zugang zu Energie und Energiearmut

The Italian Observatory for Energy Poverty's 2023 report paints a concerning picture, particularly for southern regions. In 2021, around 2.2 million households, with approximately 5 million people, were affected by energy poverty. These households lived in poorly insulated homes and struggled with inadequate heating in winter, insufficient cooling in summer, dim lighting, and limited use of essential appliances. This situation not only burdens families with high energy costs but also negatively impacts their health, well-being, and overall quality of life. The energy cost increase was substantial, with a 35% rise on average by the end of 2021 compared to 2020, and a 44% spike. This financial strain was especially severe for households with children: 25% of energy-poor households included at least one minor, meaning that energy poverty affected about 950,000 children, or 10% of Italy’s children.[1]

The government's countermeasures include short-term protection policies, such as electricity and gas vouchers for vulnerable families, and long-term policies aimed at improving energy efficiency in housing and raising awareness over energy use. Fiscal measures have included reducing and eventually eliminating general system charges on electricity and gas bills, lowering the VAT rate on gas, cutting fuel excise taxes, and providing one-time payments to individuals with low incomes. In addition, "social bonuses" were increased to help the most vulnerable households manage their.[2] But none of the various measures has reversed the trend and halted the rise in households experiencing energy poverty. The establishment with strong public support of is highlighted by the NSG as a potentially more effective strategy to tackle this issue.

[1] OIPE (2023) Annual Report: https://oipeosservatorio.it/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/rapporto_2023_ENG.pdf

[2] ARERA (2024) Social bonus for economic hardship: https://www.arera.it/consumatori/bonus-sociale/bonus-sociale-per-disagio-economico