Inclusion of migrants, refugees, asylum seekers, minorities and vulnerable groups

In recent years, Greece has become a key entry point into Europe for people fleeing conflicts, poverty and persecution in the Middle East, Africa and South Asia. Almost 19,000 refugees and migrants arrived in Greece in 2022, representing a 105% increase from 2021.[1] Factors that led to this increase may include the removal of the final Covid pandemic-related travel restrictions and the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan in 2021. The NSG reports that this increase has led to immense strain on Greece’s already stretched and underfunded reception infrastructure. Closed Controlled Access Centres (CCACs) were opened in 2021 and 2022 on the hotspot islands of Lesbos, Kos, Leros and Chios, aiming to accommodate, identify and process the claims of all asylum-seekers. The CCACs are meant to replace Reception and Identification Centres (RICs), which had been criticised for their poor conditions, including a lack of basic sanitation infrastructure, overcrowding and a generalised disregard for asylum-seekers’ fundamental rights. However, while some of the CCACs provide considerably better conditions than the RICs, there are still significant concerns over the treatment of people detained there. These include a lack of access to healthcare, prison-like conditions and illegal and arbitrary restrictions on asylum-seekers’ personal liberty.[2] Asylum seekers also face lengthy waiting periods due to a large backlog in processing asylum claims. This has left thousands of people in a complete state of limbo, with no certainty regarding their current rights or future prospects. The Asylum Service has also unjustly left thousands of asylum seekers without identification documents, claiming this is due to a “technical problem”.[3] More generally, the NSG reported considerable problems with the living conditions of migrants, refugees and asylum seekers. These people face significant difficulties in accessing basic services, education and employment. Limited language support has impeded integration into Greek society, further isolating migrant populations. The unemployment rate of migrants is almost double the (already high) rate faced by Greeks.[4] The Migration Code, which regulates the status of third-country nationals in Greece, was amended in March 2023. The NSG reported that several CSOs, especially those involved in the defence of human rights, heavily criticised the new Code. They argued that the amendments further violated fundamental rights by arbitrarily imposing restrictions on freedom of movement and access to social protection and essential services.[5] CSOs criticised the process by which the Code was updated, pointing out a lack of transparency and minimal consultation with civil society. One of the few positive developments was the introduction of a process through which unaccompanied minors who have completed three years of secondary education in Greece can obtain a long-term residence permit. This closed a gap in the law that excluded unaccompanied minors from obtaining residency.[6]

Youth unemployment

Youth unemployment remains a persistent and significant problem in Greece. Despite a decline of 5.2 percentage points from 2021, the youth unemployment rate was 27.7% in 2023, one of the highest in the EU and more than double the EU average of 13.8%.[7] Several schemes have been put in place to help young people into work. The New Generation programme aims to train and upskill 40,000 unemployed people in digital skills, which are badly needed in Greece, thereby improving their employability and promoting their integration into the labour market.[8] The STARTAB Entrepreneurship Programme, run by the Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs, provides free entrepreneurship training, business mentoring and consultations to jobless 18- to 35-year-olds who wish to set up their own businesses.[9] Finally, the Union Youth Guarantee, which is implemented through the Youth Employment Initiative (YEI), aims to give young people not in employment, education or training (NEET) a good-quality offer of employment or training within four months.[10]

Education, training and lifelong learning

According to OECD data, Greece spends 3.7% of its GDP on education, far below the OECD average of 5.1%. Furthermore, teacher salaries have decreased in real terms since 2015, and this is one reason Greece’s education workforce is one of the oldest among OECD countries. Significant underinvestment has significantly reduced the education system’s capacity to provide effective and equitable education, prevent early leaving from education and training (ELET), promote lifelong learning opportunities, and successfully integrate people from marginalised communities (such as refugees, Roma and the long-term unemployed).[11]

[1] European Council on Refugees and Exiles (2023), 2022 Update AIDA Country Report: Greece: https://ecre.org/2022-update-aida-country-report-greece/

[2] European Council on Refugees and Exiles (2023), Reception and identification procedure – Greece:

﷟HYPERLINK "https://asylumineurope.org/reports/country/greece/asylum-procedure/access-procedure-and-registration/reception-and-identification-procedure/"https://asylumineurope.org/reports/country/greece/asylum-procedure/access-procedure-and-registration/reception-and-identification-procedure/

[3] European Union Agency for Asylum (2023), Asylum Report 2023: https://euaa.europa.eu/sites/default/files/2023-02/network_for_children_rights.pdf

[4] Apostolos Kapsalis (2022), Mobility and Employment of Refugee Populations in the Greek Region: https://greece.iom.int/sites/g/files/tmzbdl1086/files/documents/MOBILITY%20AND%20EMPLOYMENT_EN_online.pdf

[5] Advocacy Network for Children's Rights (2022), Undocumented children, children at risk. Until when...?: https://www.gcr.gr/el/news/press-releases-announcements/item/2000-paidia-xoris-xartia-paidia-se-kindyno-mexri-pote

[6] Ministerial Decision 378422/2023, Official Gazette B' 5080/16.08.2023: https://www.elinyae.gr/sites/default/files/2023-09/5080b_2023.pdf

[7] Eurostat (2023), Youth unemployment by sex: https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/databrowser/view/tesem140/default/table?lang=en

[8] European Union, Digital Skills & Jobs Platform (2023), “New generation” training and upgrading programmes for unemployed persons in digital skills: https://digital-skills-jobs.europa.eu/en/opportunities/training/new-generation-training-and-upgrading-programmes-unemployed-persons-digital

[9] Startab (2022), About: https://startab.gr/en/about/

[10] European Commision (2023), Youth Employment Initiative: https://ec.europa.eu/social/main.jsp?catId=1176

[11] OECD (2023), Education at a glance 2023, Country note - Greece: https://gpseducation.oecd.org/Content/EAGCountryNotes/EAG2023_CN_GRC_pdf.pdf

Greece still faces significant challenges related to its labour market. Its unemployment rate is still the highest in the European Union at 12.16%, according to the latest data from 2022, compared to an EU average of 6.2%.[1] Furthermore, the NSG noted that the prevalence of the tourism sector, which represents 27.8% of employment according to latest figures,[2] has created a large amount of seasonal employment, leading to concern over the working conditions and labour rights of seasonal workers. As of December 2021, 7% of Greek workers were in temporary employment.[3] Greece also has a large informal economy, estimated at 26.9% of GDP.[4] This suggests that a significant number of Greek workers are employed informally, although the nature of the phenomenon means it difficult to determine the precise number. All these factors led the NSG to raise the alarm over precarious employment, which also includes involuntary part-time employment, pseudo self-employment, and other forms. Precarious workers have reduced access to social protection and limited recourse against exploitation. Furthermore, the NSG reported that the problem of precarious employment had been exacerbated by Covid.

The NSG noted several developments in public policies related to work over the reporting period. Firstly, the minimum wage was increased several times over the course of 2022-2023, rising from a pre-pandemic €650 a month to €780 in April 2023.[5] Secondly, Greece ratified two ILO conventions in 2021: Convention 190 on the Elimination of Violence in the World of Work and Convention 187, the Promotional Framework for Occupational Safety and Health Convention.[6]

In 2021, Law 2808/2021 was adopted, which changed many aspects of workplace regulation. It transposed the EU Directive on Work-Life Balance, introducing leave for (unpaid) caregivers and expanding the rights of working parents, among other measures. The Law also created the Digital Job Card, which is connected to the Labour Inspectorate and aims to improve firms’ compliance with working-time laws. This is a pioneering tool that allows the hours worked by all employees to be recorded with absolute accuracy and in real time, in line with a long-standing demand of the GSEE (General Confederation of Workers of Greece). Through the Digital Work Card, the upgraded ERGANI II system is informed in real time about employees' working hours and automatically identifies each working hour as either a regular working hour or overtime. It also records various forms of time off, such as breaks, days off and holidays.[7] Originally trialled in large companies in certain sectors, the system has now been extended to cover the entire economy. The Labour Inspectorate itself underwent change, losing its link with the Ministry of Labour and becoming an independent agency. Unfortunately, this removed all involvement of workers’ representatives from the Inspectorate’s work by abolishing the tripartite board that previously supervised the agency. This decision was taken unilaterally by the government against the wishes of the social partners. Finally, the Law reformed Greece’s public employment service (DYPA). Changes include the introduction of a tripartite supervisory council, new responsibilities for the agency in the field of housing and digital tools (such as the DYPA Digital Unemployment Card,[8] the Digital Employment Register and the Digital Action Plan).[9] In December 2022, the Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs used a presidential decree to codify all existing labour law into a single text, the Code of Individual Labour Law.[10]

[1] Eurostat (2023), Unemployment by sex: https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/databrowser/view/teilm010/default/table?lang=en

[2] Eurostat (2022), Tourism industries - Employment: https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statistics-explained/index.php?title=Tourism_industries_-_employment&oldid=445425

[3] Eurostat (2023), Temporary employment – statistics: https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statistics-explained/index.php?title=Temporary_employment_-_statistics

[4] World Economics (2022), Greece's Informal Economy Size: https://www.worldeconomics.com/Informal-Economy/Greece.aspx

[5] WageIndicator (2023), Minimum Wage Increased in Greece from 01 April 2023 - April 02, 2023: https://wageindicator.org/salary/minimum-wage/minimum-wages-news/2023/minimum-wage-increased-in-greece-from-01-april-2023-april-02-2023

[6] International Labour Organization (2021), Greece ratifies the Promotional Framework for Occupational Safety and Health Convention and the Violence and Harassment Convention:  https://www.ilo.org/global/standards/WCMS_818166/lang--en/index.htm

[7] Ministry of Labour and Social Security (2022), Digital Job Card: https://ypergasias.gov.gr/apascholisi/psifiaki-karta-ergasias/

[8] The new Digital Unemployment Card marks the abolition of the paper form of the unemployment card. The card is interconnected with the Digital Unemployment Register and is updated daily by the Digital Unemployment Register. This ensures clarity as to who is entitled to which benefits, in accordance with the provisions of Law 4921/2022 "Jobs Again". In particular, by scanning the Digital Card DYPA from the Gov.gr Wallet, it will be easily verifiable the type of benefits, allowances, aids or facilities to which each holder is entitled. Source: https://www.dypa.gov.gr/index.php/diathesimi-apo-simera-sto-govgr-wallet-i-nea-psifiaki-karta-dypa

[9] Tax Heaven (2022), The new tools of the DYPA: Digital Register and Digital Card - The system of erasure is activated - Work Allowance: https://www.taxheaven.gr/news/61983/se-isxy-ta-nea-ergaleia-ths-dypa-pshfiako-mhtrwo-kai-pshfiakh-karta-energopoieitai-to-systhma-ths-diagrafhs-epidoma-ergasias

[10] Eurofound (2023), Greece: Developments in working life 2022: https://www.eurofound.europa.eu/en/publications/eurofound-paper/2023/greece-developments-working-life-2022

Access to healthcare

The NSG reports that the Greek healthcare system faces serious problems. Primary healthcare provision is extremely fragmented. Jurisdictions overlap, and institutions and structures are split between public clinics, private clinics and health centres. The result is variable levels and quality of services. The NSG criticised the system for not prioritising preventative care, one of the principal goals of primary healthcare, and noted that services such as home visits for vulnerable people are almost non-existent. Spending on healthcare was heavily affected by the country’s 2008 economic crisis, and the latest figures show that Greece spends only 7.8% of GDP on health, compared to an EU average of 9.9%. Furthermore, the proportion of this spending that comes out of pocket (35%) is one of the highest in the EU. A lack of doctors and nurses, especially general practitioners, reduces the effectiveness and accessibility of the healthcare system. It is no wonder therefore that Greece has a staggeringly high level of unmet needs for medical care: 8.1% of the population report unmet medical needs due to cost, travel or waiting times, compared to a Union average of 1.7%. However, the Greek figure is lower than its 2016 peak of 13.1%. Greece displayed the highest disparity in unmet needs by income group: The rate of unmet needs in households in the lowest income quintile is 18.1%, 20 times that for the highest quintile (0.9%). Finally, Greece has one of the highest rates of catastrophic health spending, which is defined as out-of-pocket healthcare spending exceeding 40% of total household spending net of subsistence spending. Half of Greece’s catastrophic spending is concentrated in the bottom quintile of the income distribution.[1] The NSG reported that the already overburdened Greek healthcare system was severely stretched by the Covid pandemic due in part to a lack of hospital beds. The Group expressed concerns for the future of the healthcare system in the context of a rapidly aging population.

Housing

On average, Greeks allocate a reasonably low proportion of their spending to housing costs – 13.7% compared to an OECD average of 17.8%. However, this is more a reflection of high levels of home ownership than actual affordability. The housing cost overburden for lower income tenants (defined as the proportion of low-income households spending more than 40% of their income on housing) is 10 percentage points higher in Greece than the OECD average (44.6% versus 35%). Greece also has one of the highest rates of overcrowding in the OECD: 17.9% of Greek households struggle with overcrowding compared to the OECD average of 11%.[2] The situation for renters, who consist disproportionately of younger people and people on lower incomes, is particularly serious. Rents in Athens and 14 other regions increased by over 10% in 2022 from 2021. This was primarily due to the closing down in 2012 of the Workers Housing Association (OEK), which was tasked with building social housing, and the subsequent lack of any agency or public authority tasked with building affordable housing. Other issues, such as the conversion of apartments into short-term holiday housing, have also exacerbated the crisis. Considering that the problem disproportionately affects younger Greek people,[3] who already leave home far later than their peers in other EU states, the housing situation risks intensifying Greece’s demographic crisis and its “brain drain”. In September 2022, the Greek government announced a €1.8 billion package of housing measures, which it claimed would benefit almost 150,000 people. The measures include subsidised mortgages for young people, renovation and energy upgrade schemes, an increase in the student accommodation allowance, and the renovation of empty properties to make social housing units.[4] Social housing policies in Greece are currently limited to housing benefits for low-income households (currently set at €70 a month for a single person plus €35 for each additional member of the household) and the “Housing and Work for the Homeless” programme. This provides rent subsidy, psycho-social support and labour market activation measures for homeless individuals and households.[5]

[1] OECD (2022), State of Health in the EU: Country Health Profiles - Greece: https://read.oecd-ilibrary.org/social-issues-migration-health/greece-country-health-profile-2021_4ab8ea73-en#page16

[2] OECD (2023), Housing Policy Toolkit - Greece: https://housingpolicytoolkit.oecd.org/www/CountryFiches/housing-policy-Greece.pdf

[3] Eteron (2022), The changing housing landscape in Greece and “Generation Rent”: https://eteron.org/en/the-changing-housing-landscape-in-greece-and-generation-rent/

[4] Dianeosis (2023), Housing Policies Across Greece and Europe: https://www.dianeosis.org/en/2023/07/housing-policies-across-greece-and-europe/

[5] Ministry of Labour and Social Security (2022), Social housing policies: https://ypergasias.gov.gr/en/social-housing-policies/

CIVICUS considers civic space in Greece to be “obstructed”, citing a series of issues relating to the restriction of CSOs’ freedom of association, the criminalisation of their work, and infringements of fundamental rights.[1] Amnesty International criticised the continued attacks by the Greek government on CSOs working to protect migrants’ and asylum seekers’ rights, noting new discriminatory and burdensome rules for registration that restrict CSOs’ autonomy, freedom of association and ability to operate. Amnesty International denounced Greek officials’ public attacks on these CSOs: Senior politicians labelled them “leeches” and “parasites”.[2] The new rules on registration were also criticised by the Council of Europe’s Expert Council on NGO Law, which pointed out the regulations’ chilling effects on civil society and freedom of association.[3] In addition, there has been a systematic campaign of legal harassment of human rights defenders. Activists Panayote Dimitras and Tommy Olsen were charged with human trafficking in 2022, while a 23-person CSO search-and-rescue team based on the island of Lesvos was accused of espionage. These cases represent a clear trend of criminalisation of solidarity.[4] Finally, in late 2022 and 2023, Greece was rocked by the “Predatorgate” scandal, in which illegal spyware software was placed in the phones of politicians and journalists critical of the current government, likely by the state intelligence services. The Greek Parliament’s official investigation of the scandal was criticised for being ineffective and compromised by conflicts of interest. In response, the European Parliament set up its own committee of inquiry, and the Parliament’s plenary adopted the resulting report[5] in June 2023. So far, the Greek government and the European Commission have taken little or no concrete action to address the revelations, and no measure have been put in place to prevent a reoccurrence of such unjustified and illegal state spying.[6]

[1] CIVICUS (2023), Monitor - Greece: https://monitor.civicus.org/country/greece/

[2] Relief Web (2020), Greece: Regulation of NGOs working on migration and asylum threatens civic space: https://reliefweb.int/report/greece/greece-regulation-ngos-working-migration-and-asylum-threatens-civic-space

[3] Expert Council on NGO Law of the Conference of INGOs of the Council of Europe (2020), Opinion on the compatibility with European standards of recent and planned amendments to the Greek legislation on NGO registration: https://rm.coe.int/expert-council-conf-exp-2020-4-opinion-ngo-registrationgreece/16809ee91d

[4] CIVICUS (2023), Ongoing criminalisation of solidarity, ”Predatorgate“ continues to unravel:  https://monitor.civicus.org/explore/ongoing-criminalisation-of-solidarity-predatorgate-continues-to-unravel/

[5] European Parliament - Committee of Inquiry to investigate the use of Pegasus and equivalent surveillance spyware (2023), REPORT of the investigation of alleged contraventions and maladministration in the application of Union law in relation to the use of Pegasus and equivalent surveillance spyware: https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/A-9-2023-0189_EN.html

[6] CIVICUS (2022), Further “Predatorgate“ surveillance revelations, cost of living sparks protests: https://monitor.civicus.org/explore/further-predatorgate-surveillance-revelations-cost-living-crisis-sparks-protests/

Greece’s National Climate Law, adopted in May 2022 set targets of a reduction in greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions of 55% by 2030 and net zero emissions by 2050. Greece largely met its 2020 climate targets. The share of fossil fuels in its energy mix dropped from 90% in 2010 to 2021 in 82%, and its share of lignite-fired generation dropped from 60% in 2005 to 10% in 2021, significantly reducing the carbon intensity of the country’s electricity generation. However, much of the reduction in energy demand and GHG emissions during this period was driven by the severe and prolonged economic crisis. Although many investments in renewable energy generation and energy efficiency programmes are planned, Greece maintains some of the largest fossil-fuel subsidies in the OECD. It spent €1.9 billion on subsidies in 2020, mostly to support electricity generation on islands that are not connected to the mainland electricity grid.[1] Two of Greece’s regions, Western Macedonia and Peloponnese, are home to lignite mines and are included in both the EU’s Just Transition Fund and the Initiative for Coal Regions in Transition. The Just Transition Fund allocated €755 million to Greece. The country’s Recovery and Resilience Plan foresees measures to mitigate the closure of lignite mines and power stations in these regions through the promotion of green skills and investments to rehabilitate former industrial land.[2] Greece was significantly affected by Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine and the subsequent energy crisis. In 2022, 34.1% of households were in arrears on utility bills, up from 26.3% in 2021, and 18.7% were unable to keep their homes adequately warm, up from 17.5%.[3] The Greek government introduced a series of energy subsidies that varied in scope over time. The peak was a €240/MWh subsidy for lower-income households in June-July 2022. As of September 2023, the electricity subsidy equals €15/MWh for most households and €54/MWh for lower-income households. Households with monthly electricity consumption of over 500 kWh are required to reduce their consumption by 15% or more to qualify for the subsidy.[4] The NSG reported that some efforts have been made to improve access to sustainable transport, especially through investments in larger cities such as Athens and Thessaloniki. However, the NSG also noted that challenges remain, including outdated infrastructure and limited coverage in rural areas.

[1] IEA (2023), Greece 2023 - Energy Policy Review: https://www.iea.org/reports/greece-2023

[2] OECD (2021), Towards a Just Transition in Greece‘s lignite dependent regions: https://www.oecd.org/climate-action/ipac/webbooks-practices/dynamic/ipac-case-studies/a1a8306a/pdf/towards-a-just-transition-in-greece-s-lignite-dependent-regions.pdf

[3] European Commission (2023), Energy Poverty Advisory Hub - National Indicators: https://energy-poverty.ec.europa.eu/observing-energy-poverty/national-indicators_en

[4] IEA (2023), Policy Database - Greece: https://www.iea.org/policies?qs=greece&country%5B0%5D=Greece